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SELECTIONS 



WRITINGS AND SPEECHES 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 



WITH AN APPENDIX. 



' 0, my brethren ! I liaA'C told 
Most EITTEK TRUTH, but witliout bittciTiess. 
Nor deem my zeal or factious or mis-timed; 
For never can true courage dwell with them, 
Who, playiiij,^ tricks with Conscience, dare not look 
At their own vices.' — Colefidgk. 



BOSTON: 
11. F. WALLCUT, 21 CORNIIILL 
1852. 






'\ 



J. B. YERRINTON AND SOX, 

PRINTER?, 

21 CORNHIT. L. 






Cnutsnts 



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I 



Page. 

Peepace, -....-.. 5 

Exposure of the American Colonization Society, - - - - 13 

The Dangers of the Nation, ------ 44 

Commencement of the Liberator, - - - - - - 62 

, "Universal Emancipation, .-..-- 64 

Declaration of Sentiments of the American Anti-Slavery Convention, - 66 

Declaration of Sentiments of the American Peace Convention, - - 72 

Patriotism and Christianity — Kossuth and Jesus, - - - - 78 

The Practical Working of Non-Resistance, - - - - 86 

True Courage, -..-----88 

War Essentially Wrong, ------ 89 

The Powers that be are ordained of God, - - - - 91 

Holy Time, --.-...- 98 

j Penal Observance of the Sabbath, - - . - - - - 98 

I Worship, - - - - - - - ■• 115 

The True Church, -------- 115 

The American Union, - - • - - - - - 116 

Persecution, - - - - - - - - 120 

Liberty, --...... 120 

*^ Harsh Language — Retarding the Cause, - - - - - 121 

Song of the Abolitionist, ------ 134 

Sonnet to Liberty, - - - - - - - 135 

No Compromise with Slavery, ------ 136 

On Completing my Thirty-Fifth Year, - - - - - 142 

Letter to Honorable Pelcg Sprague, ----- 143 

Departure of George Thompson for England, - - - - 157 

Song of Welcome, -.--..- I6I 

Words of Encouragement to the Oppressed, - - - - 163 

To My Birth-Place, .--...- 173 

Tribute to Clarkson and Wilberforce, - - - - -174 

Sonnet to Tliomas Clarkson, ------ 177 

Vindication of the Liberator, - - - - - - 178 

Sonnet to the New Year, ...... 1^ 

Extracts from a Fourtli of July Oration, - - - - - 188 

To Saiuucl J. Jfay, ------- 200 

The Great Apostate, - - - - - - - 201 

The Crisis, -..-..-- 220 

=^ Divine Authority of the Bible, - - - - - - 221 



IV CONTENTS. 



Fagr. 

The Guiltless Prisoner, ------ 230 

Freedom of the Miiid, ------- 230 

•'- Claims and Position of the Clergy, ----- 231 

On the Death of a Friend, - - - - - . . 237 

Free Spcecli and Free Inquiry, ------ 238 

To My First-Born, - - - - - - - 261 

Oaths and Affirmations, ------ 263 

Harriet Martineau, - - - - - - - 272 

To Elizabeth Pease, of Darlington, England, - - - - 272 

Mr. Webster's Speech at Bunker Hill, - - - - - 273 

To Benjamin Lundy, - - - ... . . 283 

To the Memory of the Same, - - - - - - 283 

Forgiveness of Injuries, ------- 284 

Sonnet, --------- 286 

•^ Complexional Prejudice, ------ 286 

A Short Catechism, adapted to all parts of the United States, - - 289 

Farewell Address to George Thompson, - - - - 292 

To a Distinguished Advocate of Peace, - - - - - 301 

Earthly Fame, -.-.-.. 301 

The United States Constitution, - - - - - -302 

The Triumph of Freedom, -...-- 316 

The Anti-Slavery Platform, - - - - - - 317 

To an Eloquent Advocate of Indian Eights, - - - - 325 

West India Emancipation, - - - - - - 326 

West India Emancipation, ------ 359 

Independence Day, - - - - - - - 360 

To Kossuth, - ...--. - 363 

Hope for the Enslaved, - - - - - - - 367 

To Isaac T. Hopper, ------- 368 

May Day, --.--... 369 

Dedicatory Lines to Liberty, ------ 371 

Appendix — 

Triumph of Mobocracy in Boston, - - - - - 373 

Letter from George Thompson, ----- 390 

To William Lloyd Garrison, - - - - - - 401 

The American Colonization Society, - - - ' - 401 

Hon. Peleg Sprague, - - - - - - - 415 



Having been the first publicly to unfurl the banner of 
Immediate and Unconditional Emancipation in this 
country, and to expose the true character, tendency and 
design of the American Colonization Society, as the 
handmaid of Slavery, it is not surprising that, for a period 
of more than twenty years, (occupied unceasingly and 
uncompromisingly in advocating the cause of a people 
' meted out and trodden under foot,') William Lloyd 
Garrison has been subjected to every kind of popular 
odium, misrepresentation, and abuse. Nor is it singular, 
that, in view of the religious sanctions which have been 
thrown around the horrible slave system. North and South, 
(and, therefore, the necessity imposed upon him to arraign 
and expose the American church and clergy as stained 
with blood and deeply polluted,) he has been every where 
stigmatized as a heretic and an ' infidel,' by the same class 
and in the spirit which cried out against Jesus, that he was 
' not of God, because he did not keep the Sabbath day,' 
and accused him of having a devil. The mode of attack- 
ing the true Reformer is essentially the same in every age : 
he is ever at first pronounced guilty of heresy and sedi- 
tion, though no one is more loyal or more orthodox than 
1* 



VI PREFACE. 

himself — orthodox in his regard for the truth, and loyal 
in his support of a righteous government. It is the infat- 
uation of those, who are terrified and inflamed at his ap- 
pearance, to imagine, that if they can succeed in destroying 
liis reputation, or, more certainly still, his life, the cause 
which he espouses will sink with him out of sight, and 
out of the world, for ever. Hence their eagerness for 
his crucifixion — justifying themselves by the plea, 'We 
have a law, and by that law he ought to die ' — ' It is better 
that one man should die, than that the whole nation should 
perish.' 

' The man is thought a knave or fool, 

Or bigot plotting crime, 
Who, for the advancement of his kind, 

Is wiser than his time. 
Tor him the hemlock shall distil ; 

For him the axe be bared ; 
For him the gibbet shall be built ; 

For him the stake prepared ; 
Him shall the scorn and wrath of men 

Pursue with deadly aim ; 
And malice, envy, spite and lies. 

Shall desecrate his name ; 
But Truth shall conquer at the last, 

For round and round we run, 
And ever the right comes uppcraaost, 

And ever is justice done.' 

Of the thousands who have joined in the absurd outcries 
against Mr. Garrison, it may be safely presumed that 
many of them, being entirely devoid of candor, have yet 



PREFACE. Vll 

to read the first sentence he has ever written, on any 
subject; while many others have had no opportunity to 
obtain his sentiments, embodied in a convenient form, who, 
nevertheless, honestly suppose that what they have heard so 
constantly reiterated against him must be true. For the 
sake of the latter class, in particular, as well as to subserve 
the cause of Reform in general, it has been deemed 
advisable to make the following Selections from the 
Writings of Mr. Garrison ; containing, as they do, his 
severest denunciations, his strongest impeachments, and 
his most radical sentiments touching the various reform- 
atory enterprises in which his feelings are so deeply en- 
listed. It is a volume both for his friends and his enemies ; 
for the latter, to reveal to them the folly and injustice 
of their treatment of one whose spirit breathes only of 
'peace on earth and good will towards men,' whatever 
their clime and complexion ; and for the former, to strength- 
en and animate them in their cooperative labors for the 
advancement of that glorious period, when Liberty shall 
be proclaimed throughout all the land, to all the inhabitants 
thereof. 

We purposely abstain from making any comments of 
our own on the career of Mr. Garrison, by whom praise 
is subordinated to principle, to whom censure gives no 
uneasiness, and whose characteristic language (uttered 
in the midst of fiery trials) has uniformly been — 'Is the 
inquiry made, how do I bear up under my adversities ? I 
answer — like the oak — like the Alps — unshaken, storm- 
proof. Opposition, and abuse, and slander, and prejudice, 



Vlll PREFACE. 

and judicial tyranny, are like oil to the flame of my zeal. 
I am not discouraged, but more confident than ever. Am I 
to be frightened by dungeons and chains? I will not hold 
my peace. The cause is worthy of the loftiest ambition 
and the noblest genius. To it I am wedded, as long as I 
shall have a pen to wield, or a voice to speak. Poverty 
may assail me with her hungry whelps ; Persecution may 
light its fires ; Slander may spit out her venom ; and 
Judicial Power attempt to intimidate ; all will be in vain. 
Wherever oppression, fraud and violence exist, I am for 
exposing to merited infamy the robber and the tyrant ; 
wherever there is a virtuous struggle for liberty, there 
is my heart.' Whether this language was uttered in the 
spirit of self-inflation or bombast, or whether it emanated 
from a sincere and earnest mind, let the rise and progress 
of the Anti-Slavery enterprise, since it was uttered, de- 
termine. 

If Mr. Garrison has had the most formidable opposition 
to contend with, and received an unequalled amount of 
abuse, he has also been greatly cheered and strengthened 
by the generous appreciation and warm commendations of 
the friends of impartial freedom, on both sides of the 
Atlantic ; such, for example, as are embodied in the follow- 
ing poetical effusions, elicited by a kindred sympathy for 
the enslaved on the part of their authors. They are here- 
with appended, not merely on account of their personal tes- 
timonies, but also because of their intrinsic excellence, both 
as to style and sentiment. 



PREFACE. IX 

THE DAY or SMALL THINGS. 

BY JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL. 

' Sometime afterward, it "was reported to me by the city officers, that they had 
ferreted out the paper and its editor. His office was an obscure hole; his only 
visible auxiliary a negro boy; and his supporters a few very insignificant persona, 
of all colors.' — Letter of IIon. H. G. Otis. 

In a small chamber, friendless and unseen, 

Toiled o'er his types one poor, unlearned young man ; 

The place was dark, unfurnitured and mean, 
Yet there the freedom of a race began. 

Help came but slowly ; surely, no man yet 

Put lever to the heavy world with less ; 
What need of help ? — He knew how types were set, 

He had a dauntless spirit and a press. 

Such earnest natures are the fiery pith, 

The compact nucleus round which systems grow ; 

Mass after mass becomes inspired therewith, 
And whirls impregnate with the central glow. 

Truth ! O Freedom ! how are ye still born 

In the rude stable, in the manger nursed ! 
What humble hands unbar those gates of morn, 

Through which the splendors of the new day burst !: 

What ! shall one monk, scarce known beyond his cell, 
Front Rome's far-reaching bolts, and scorn her frown V 

Brave Luther answered, Yes ! — that thunder's swell 
Rocked Europe, and discharmed the triple crown. 

' Whatever can be known of earth, we know,' 

Sneered Europe's wise men, in their snail-shells curled ; 

No ! said one man in Genoa ; and that No 
Out of the dark created this New World. 

Who is it will not dare himself to trust ? 

Wlio is it hath not strength to stand alone ? 
Who is it thwarts and bilks tlie inward must? 

He and his works like sand from earth arc blown. 



XU PREFACE. 

TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 

BY THOMAS W. HIGGIXSON. 

'T IS not that deeds like thine need my poor praise, 

When, though commending not each word of strife, 

I yet would thank thee for thy manly lil'e, 
Thou rugged Luther of these latter days! 
! when will men look through thine ardent phrase 

To the true depth of that devoted heart, 

Where selfish hope or fear had never part 
To swerve thee, Avith the crowd, from Truth's plain ways ! 
When that day comes, thy brothers, wiser grown, 

Shall reverence struggling man's true friend in thee. 
Thy life of stern devotion shall atone 

For some few words that seemed too rough to be, 
And they shall grave upon thy funeral stone, 

' This man spoke truth, and helped us to grow free ! ' 

Cambridge, Massachusetts. 



TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, 

Br .VLONZO LEWIS. 

Thy God has cast thee in a noble mould, 
And poured thy fabric full of living soul, 
That fills, informs, and animates the whole, 

As if we saw a visioned form unrolled ! 

And thou go'st forward with Ithuriel's spear, 
To combat with the evils of the world ; 
And thy keen falchion-shafts on high arc hurled, 

To fill Oppression with a deadly fear, 
And drive him from his hold in Freedom's land, 
Where he has marshalled forth a mail-clad band. 

Armed Avitli the scourge of torture. Like a knight 
Who battled for the Cross in days of old, 
With Truth thy shield, go forward, and be bold, 

And may God aid thee in the glorious fight ! 



SELECTIONS 



FEOM THE WKITINGS OF 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, 



cUipnstirf nf tljB amBrimtt (Cnlnm|ntinE Inririq. 

In attacking the system of slavery, I clearly foresaw all 
that has happened to me. I knew, at the commencement, 
that my motives would be impeached, my warnings ridiculed, 
my person persecuted, my sanity doubted, my life jeop- 
arded : but the clank of the prisoner's chains broke upon 
my ear — it entered deeply into my soul — I looked up to 
Heaven for strength to sustain me in the perilous work of 
emancipation — and my resolution was taken. 

In opposing the American Colonization Society, I have 
also counted the cost, and as clearly foreseen the formidable 
opposition which will be arrayed against me. Many of the 
clergy are enlisted in its support : their influence is power- 
ful. Men of wealth and elevated station are among its 
contributors : wealth and station are almost omnipotent. 
The press ha5 been seduced into its support : the press is a 
potent engine. Moreover, the Society is artfully based 
upon and defended by popular prejudice ; it takes advantage 
2 



14 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

of wicked and preposterous opinions, and hence its success. 
These things grieve, they cannot deter me. ' Truth is 
mighty, and will prevail.' It is able to make falsehood 
blush, tear from hypocrisy its mask, annihilate prejudice, 
overthrow persecution, and break every fetter. 

I am constrained to declare, with the utmost sincerity, 
that I look upon the Colonization scheme as inadequate in 
its design, injurious in its operation, and contrary to sound 
principle ; and the more scrupulously I examine its preten- 
sions, the stronger is my conviction of its sinfulness. Nay, 
were Jehovah to speak in an audible voice from his holy 
habitation, I am persuaded that his language would be, 
' Who hath required this at your hands ? ' 

It consoles me to believe that no man, who knows me 
personally or by reputation, will suspect the honesty of my 
skepticism. If I were politic, and intent only on my own 
preferment or pecuniary interest, I should swim with the 
strong tide of public sentiment, instead of breasting its pow- 
erful influence. The hazard is too great, the labor too bur- 
densome, the remuneration too uncertain, the contest too 
unequal, to induce a selfish adventurer to assail a combina- 
tion so formidable. Disinterested opposition and sincere 
conviction, however, are not conclusive proofs of individual 
rectitude ; for a man may very honestly do mischief, and 
not be aware of his error. Indeed, it is in this light I view 
many of the friends of African colonization. I concede to 
them benevolence of purpose and expansiveness of heart; 
but, in my opinion, they are laboring under the same delu- 
sion as that which swayed Saul of Tarsus — persecuting the 
blacks even unto a strange country, and verily believing 
that they are doing God service. I blame them, neverthe- 
less, for taking this mighty scheme upon trust ; for not per- 
ceiving and rejecting the monstrous doctrines avowed by the 
master spirits in this crusade ; and for feeling so indifferent 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 15 

to the moral, political and social advancement of the free 
people of color in this, their only leghimate home. 

In the progress of this discussion, I shall have occasion to 
use very plain, and sometimes very severe language. This 
would be an unpleasant task, did not duty imperiously 
demand its application. To give offence I am loath, but 
more to hide or modify the truth. I shall deal with the 
Society in its collective form — as one body — and not with 
individuals. While I shall be necessitated to marshal indi- 
vidual opinions in review, I protest, ab origine, against the 
supposition, that indiscriminate censure is intended, or that 
every friend of the Society cherishes similar views. He to 
whom my reprehension does not apply, will not receive it. 
It is obviously impossible, in attacking a numerous and mul- 
tiform combination, to exhibit private dissimilarities, or in 
every instance to discriminate between the various shades 
of opinion. It is sufficient that exceptions are made. My 
warfare is against the American Colonization Society. 
If I shall identify its general, preponderating, and clearly 
developed trails, it must stand or fall as they shall prove 
benevolent or selfish. 

I bring to this momentous investigation an unbiased mind, 
a lively sense of accountability to God, and devout aspira- 
tions for divine guidance. 

It is only about two years since I was induced to examine 
the claims of the Colonization Society upon the patronage 
and confidence of the nation. I went to this examination 
with a mind biased by preconceived opinions favorable to 
the Society, and rather for the purpose of defending it 
against opposition than of bringing it into disrepute. Every 
thing, apart from its principles, was calculated to secure my 
friendship. Nothing but its revolting features could have 
induced me to turn loathingly away from its embrace. I 
had some little reputation to sustain ; many of my friends 



16 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

were colonizationists ; I saw that eminent statesmen and 
honorable men were enhsted in the enterprise ; the great 
body of the clergy gave their unqualified support to it ; 
every Fourth of July, the charities of the nation were secured 
in its behalf; wherever I turned my eye in the free States, 
I saw nothing but unanimity ; wherever my ear caught a 
sound, I heard nothing but excessive panegyric. No indi- 
vidual had ventured to blow the trumpet of alarm, or exert 
his energies to counteract the influence of the scheme. If 
an assailant had occasionally appeared, he had either fired 
a random shot and retreated, or found in the inefHciency of 
the Society the only cause for hostility. It was at this crisis, 
and with such an array of motives before me to bias my 
judgment, that I resolved to make a close and candid exam- 
ination of the subject. 

I went, first of all, to the fountain head — to the African 
Repository and the Reports of the Society. I was not long 
in discovering sentiments which seemed to me as abhorrent 
to humanity as contrary to reason. I perused page after 
page, first with perplexity, then with astonishment, and final- 
ly with indignation. I found little else than sinful palliations, 
fatal concessions, vain expectations, exaggerated statements, 
unfriendly representations, glaring contradictions, naked ter- 
rors, deceptive assurances, unrelenting prejudices, and un- 
christian denunciations. I collected together the publications 
of auxiliary societies, in order to discern some redeeming 
traits ; but I found them marred and disfigured with the 
same disgusting details. I courted the acquaintance of emi- 
nent colonizationists, that I might learn how far their private 
sentiments agreed with those which were so offensive in 
print ; and I found no dissimilarity between them. I listened 
to discourses from the pulpit in favor of the Society ; and 
the same moral obliquities were seen in minister and peo- 
ple. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 17 

These discoveries affected my mind so deeply that I could 
not rest. I endeavored to explain away the meaning of 
plain and obvious language; I made liberal concessions for 
good motives and unsuspicious confidence ; I resorted to 
many expedients to vindicate the disinterested benevolence 
of the Society ; but I could not rest. The sun in its mid-day 
splendor was not more clear and palpable to my vision, than 
the anti-christian and anti-republican character of this asso- 
ciation. It was evident to me that the great mass of its 
supporters at the North did not realize its dangerous tendency. 
They were told that it was designed to effect the ultimate 
emancipation of the slaves — to improve the condition of the 
free people of color — to abolish the foreign slave trade — to 
reclaim and evangelize benighted Africa — and various other 
marvels. Anxious to do something for the colored popula- 
tion — they knew not what — and having no other plan pre- 
sented to their view, they eagerly embraced a scheme which 
was so big with promise, and which required of them noth- 
ing but a small contribution annually. Perceiving the fatal- 
ity of this delusion, I was urged by an irresistible impulse 
to attempt its removal. I could not turn a deaf ear to the 
cries of the slaves, nor throw off the obligations which my 
Creator had fastened upon me. Yet, in view of the inequal- 
ities of the contest, of the obstacles which towered like 
mountains in my path, and of my own littleness, I trembled, 
and exclaimed in the language of Jeremiah, — 'Ah, Lord 
God ! behold I cannot speak : for I am a child.' But I was 
immediately strengthened by these interrogations : ' Is any 
thing too hard for the Lord > ' Is Error, though unwittingly 
supported by a host of good men, stronger than Truth ? 
Are Right and Wrong convertible terms, dependant upon 
popular opinion ? Oh, no ! Then I will go forward in the 
strength of the Lord of hosts — in the name of Truth — and 
under the banner of Right. As it is not by might nor by 
2* 



18 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

power, but by the Spirit of God, that great moral changes 
are effected, I am encouraged to fight valiantly in this good 
cause, believing that I shall 'come off conqueror' — yet not 
I, but Truth and Justice. It is in such a contest that one 
shall chase a thousand, and two put ten thousand to flight. 
' The Lord disappointeth the devices of the crafty, so that 
their hands cannot perform their enterprise. He taketh the 
wise in their own craftiness ; and the counsel of the froward 
is carried headlong.' 'Because the foolishness of God is 
wiser than men ; and the weakness of God is stronger than 
men.' 

Probably I may be interrogated by individuals, — ' Why do 
you object to a colony in Africa ? Are you not willing peo- 
ple should choose their own places of residence ? And if 
the blacks are willing to remove, why throw obstacles in 
their path, or deprecate their withdrawal ? All go volunta- 
rily : of what, then, do you complain ? Is not the colony 
at Liberia in a flourishing condition, and expanding beyond 
the most sanguine expectations of its founders ? ' 

Pertinent questions deserve pertinent answers. I say, 
then, in reply, that I do not object to a colony, in the ab- 
stract — to use the popular phraseology of the day. In other 
words, I am entirely willing men should be as free as the 
birds in choosing the time when, the mode how, and the 
place to which they shall migrate. The power of locomotion 
was given to be used at will : as beings of intelligence and 
enterprise, 

< The world is all before them, where to choose 
Their place of rest, and Providence their guide.* 

The emigration from New-England to the far West is con- 
stant and large. Almost every city, town or village suffers 
annually by the departure of some of its adventurous inhab- 
itants. Companies have been formed to go and possess the 
Oregon territory — an enterprise hazardous and unpromising 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 19 

in the extreme. The old States are distributing their popu- 
lation over the whole continent, with unexampled fruitful- 
ness and liberality. But why this restless, roving, unsatisfied 
disposition ? Is it because those who cherish it are treated 
as the ofTscouring of all flesh, in the place of their birth } 
or because they do not possess equal rights and privileges 
with other citizens ? or because they are the victims of incor- 
rigible hate and prejudice ? or because they are told that 
they must choose between exilement and perpetual degrada- 
tion ? or because the density of population renders it impos- 
sible for them to obtain preferment and competence here ? 
or because they are estranged by oppression and scorn ? or 
because they cherish no attachment to their native soil, to 
the scenes of their childhood and youth, or to the institutions 
of government.? or because they consider themselves as 
dwellers in a strange land, and feel a burning desire, a fever- 
ish longing to return home ? No. They lie under no odious 
disabilities, whether imposed by public opinion or by legis- 
lative power ; to them the path of preferment is wide open ; 
they sustain a solid and honorable reputation ; they not only 
can rise, but have risen, and may soar still higher, to respon- 
sible stations and affluent circumstances ; no calamity afflicts, 
no burden depresses, no reproach excludes, no despondency 
enfeebles them ; and they love the spot of their nativity 
almost to idolatry. The air of heaven is not freer or more 
buoyant than they. Theirs is a spirit of curiosity and adven- 
turous enterprise, impelled by no malignant influences, but 
by the spontaneous promptings of the mind. Far different 
is the case of our colored population. Their volinitary ban- 
ishment is compulsory — they are ' forced to turn volunteers ' 
— as will be shown in other parts of this work. 

The following proposition is self-evident : The success 
of an enterprise furnishes no proof that it is in accordance 
with justice, or that it meets the approbation of God, or that 



20 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

it ought to be prosecuted to its consummation, or that it is 
the fruit of disinterested benevolence. 

I do not doubt that the Colony at Liberia, by a prodigal 
expenditure of life and money, will ultimately flourish ; but 
a good result can never hallow or atone for persecution. 

The doctrine, that the ' end sanctifies the means,' belongs, 
1 trust, exclusively to the creed of the Jesuits. If I were 
sure that the Society would accomplish the entire regenera- 
tion of Africa by its present measures, my detestation of 
its principles would not abate one jot, nor would I bestow 
upon it the smallest modicum of praise. Never shall the 
fruits of the mercy and overruling providence of God, — ever 
bringing good out of evil, and light out of darkness, — be 
ascribed to the prejudice or tyranny of man. 

It is certain that many a poor native African has been led 
to embrace the gospel, in consequence of his transportation 
to our shores, who else had lived and died a heathen. Is the 
slave trade therefore a blessing ? Suppose one of those 
wretches, who are engaged in this nefarious commerce, were 
brought before the Supreme Court, and on being convicted, 
should be asked by the Judge, whether he had aught to say 
why sentence of death should not be pronounced upon him. 
And suppose the culprit should espy some of his sable vic- 
tims in court, whom he knew had made a profession of faith, 
and he should boldly reply — ' May it please your Honor, I 
abducted these people away from their homes, it is true ; 
but they were poor, miserable, benighted idolators, and must 
have inevitably remained as such unto the hour of their 
death, if I had not brought them to this land of Christianity 
and Bibles, where they have been taught a knowledge of the 
true God, and are now rejoicing in hope of a glorious immor- 
tality. I therefore offer as a conclusive reason why sentence 
should not be pronounced, that I have rescued souls from 
perdition.'' Would the villain be acquitted, and, instead of 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 21 

a halter, receive the panegyric of the Court for his con- 
duct ? 

Let not, then, any imaginary or real prosperity of the set- 
tlement at Liberia lead any individual to applaud the Coloni- 
zation Society, reckless whether it be actuated by mistaken 
philanthropy, or perverted generosity, or selfish policy, or 
unchristian prejudice. 

I should oppose this Society, even were its doctrines harm- 
less. It imperatively and effectually seals the lips of a 
vast number of influential and pious men, who, for fear of 
giving offence to those slaveholders with whom they associ- 
ate, and thereby leading to a dissolution of the compact, dare 
not expose the flagrant enormities of the system of slavery, 
nor denounce the crime of holding human beings in bondage. 
They dare not lead to the onset against the forces of tyran- 
ny ; and if they shrink from the conflict, how shall the vic- 
tory be won .? I do not mean to aver, that, in their sermons, 
or addresses, or private conversations, they never allude to 
the subject of slavery ; for they do so frequently, or at least 
every Fourth of July. But my complaint is, that they con- 
tent themselves with representing slavery as an evil, — a 
misfortune, — a calamity which has been entailed upon us by 
former generations, — and not as an individual crime, 
embracing in its folds robbery, cruelty, oppression and pira- 
cy. They do not identify the criminals ; they make no 
direct, pungent, earnest appeal to the consciences of men- 
stealcrs ; by consenting to walk arm-in-arm with them, they 
virtually agree to abstain from all offensive remarks, and to 
aim entirely at the expulsion of the free people of color ; 
their lugubrious exclamations, and solemn animadversions, 
and reproachful reflections, are altogether indefinite ; they 
' go about, and about, and all the way round to nothing ; ' 
they generalize, they shoot into the air, they do not disturb 
the repose nor wound the complacency of the sinner ; ' they 



22 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

have put no difference between the holy and profane, neither 
have they shewed difference between the unclean and the 
clean.' Thus has free inquiry been suppressed, and a uni- 
versal fear created, and the tongue of the boldest silenced, 
and the sleep of death fastened upon the nation. ' Truth 
has fallen in the streets, and equity cannot enter.' The 
plague is raging with unwonted fatality ; but no cordon 
sanitaire is established — no adequate remedy sought. The 
tide of moral death is constantly rising and widening ; but 
no efforts are made to stay its desolating career. The fire 
of God's indignation is kindling against us, and thick dark- 
ness covers the heavens, and the hour of retribution is at 
hand ; but we are obstinate in our transgression, we refuse 
to repent, we impiously throw the burden of our guilt upon 
our predecessors, we affect resignation to our unfortunate 
lot, we descant upon the mysterious dispensations of Provi- 
dence, and we deem ourselves objects of God's compassion 
rather than of his displeasure ! 

Were the American Colonization Society bending its ener- 
gies directly to the immediate abolition of slavery ; seeking 
to enlighten and consolidate public opinion, on this moment- 
ous subject ; faithfully exposing the awful guilt of the own- 
ers of slaves ; manfully contending for the bestowal of equal 
rights upon our free colored population in this their native 
land ; assiduously endeavoring to uproot the prejudices of 
society ; and holding no fellowship with oppressors ; my 
opposition to it would cease. It might continue, without 
censure, to bestow its charities upon such as spontaneously 
desire to remove to Africa, whether animated by religious 
considerations, or the hope of bettering their temporal con- 
dition. But, alas ! its governing spirit and purpose are of 
an opposite character. 

The popularity of the Society is not attributable to its 
merits, but exclusively to its congeniality with those unchris- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 23 

tian prejudices which have so long been cherished against a 
sable complexion. It is agreeable to slaveholders, because 
it is striving to remove a class of persons who they fear may- 
stir up their slaves to rebellion. All who avow undying 
hostility to the people of color are in favor of it; all 
who shrink from acknowledging them as brethren and 
friends, or who make them a distinct and inferior caste, 
or who deny the possibility of elevating them in the scale of 
improvement here, most heartily embrace it. 

To Africa this country owes a debt larger than she is able 
to liquidate. Most intensely do I desire to see that ill-fated 
continent transformed into the abode of civilization, of the 
arts and sciences, of true religion, of liberty, and of all 
that adds to the dignity, the renown, and the temporal and 
eternal happiness of man. Shame and confusion of face 
belong to the Church, that she has so long disregarded the 
claims of Africa upon her sympathies, prayers, and lib- 
erality — claims as much superior as its wrongs to those of 
any other portion of the globe. It is indeed most strange, 
that, like the Priest and the Levite, she should have ' passed 
by on the other side,' and left the victim of thieves to bleed 
and sicken and die. As the Africans were the only people 
doomed to perpetual servitude, and to be the prey of kid- 
nappers, she should long since have directed almost her 
undivided efforts to civilize and convert them, — not by estab- 
lishing colonies of ignorant and selfish foreigners among 
them, who will seize every opportunity to overreach or 
oppress, as interest or ambition shall instigate, — but by send- 
ing intelligent, pious missionaries ; men fearing God and 
eschewing evil — living evidences of the excellence of Chris- 
tianity — having but one object, not the possession of wealth, 
or the obtainmcnt of power, or the gratification of selfish- 
ness, but the salvation of the soul. Had she made this 
attempt, as she was bound to have made it by every princi- 



24 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

pie of justice, and every feeling of humanity, a century ago, 
Africa would have been, at the present day, ' redeemed, 
regenerated, and disenthralled, and the slavery of her chil- 
dren brought to an end. No pirates would now haunt her 
coast, to desolate her villages with fire and sword, in order 
to supply a Christian people with hewers of wood and draw- 
ers of water. How much has been needlessly lost to the 
world by this criminal neglect ! 

The conception of evangelizing a heathenish country by 
sending to it an illiterate, degraded and irreligious popula- 
tion, belongs exclusively to the advocates of African coloni- 
zation. For absurdity and inaptitude, it stands, and must for 
ever stand, without a parallel. Of all the offspring of preju- 
dice and oppression, it is the most shapeless and unnatural. 

No man of refined sensibility can contemplate the fate of 
the aborigines of this country, without shuddering at the 
consequences of colonization ; and if they melted away at 
the presence of the Pilgrims and their descendants, like 
frost before the meridian blaze of the sun, — if they fell to 
the earth like the leaves of the forest before the autumnal 
blast, by the settlement of men reputedly humane, wise and 
pious, in their vicinage, — what can be our hopes for the 
preservation of the Africans, associated with a population 
degraded by slavery, and, to a lamentable extent, destitute 
of religious and secular knowledge? The argument, that 
the difference of complexion between our forefathers and 
the aborigines (which is not a distinctive feature between 
the settlers at Liberia and the natives) was the real cause of 
this deadly enmity, is more specious than solid. Conduct, 
not color, secures friendship or excites antipathy, as it hap- 
pens to be just or unjust. The venerated William Penn and 
his pacific followers furnish a case in point. 

I avow it — the natural tendency of the colony at Liberia 
excites the most melancholy apprehensions in my mind. Its 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 25 

birth was conceived in blood, and its footsteps will be mark- 
ed with blood down to old age — the blood of the poor natives 
— unless a special interposition of Divine Providence pre- 
vent such a calamity. The emigrants will be eager in the 
acquisition of wealth, ease and power ; and, having superior 
skill and discernment in trade, they will outwit and defraud 
the natives as often as occasion permits. This knavish 
treatment once detected, — as it surely will be, for even an 
uncivilized people may soon learn that they have been cheat- 
ed, — will provoke retaliation, and stir up the worst passions 
of the human breast. Bloody conflicts will ensue, in which 
the colonists will be victorious. This success will serve to 
increase the enmity of the natives, and to perpetuate the 
murderous struggle, until, by their subjugation, the colonists 
obtain undisputed possession of the land. 

Heaven grant that these fears may prove to be only the 
offspring of a distracted mind ! May the colonists be so just 
in their intercourse with the Africans, as never to tarnish 
their own integrity ; so pacific, as to disarm violence and 
perpetuate good will ; so benevolent, as to excite gratitude 
and diffuse joy wherever their names shall be known ; and 
so holy, as to exalt the Christian religion in the eyes of an 
idolatrous nation! But he must be grossly ignorant of 
human nature, or strangely infatuated, who believes that 
they will always, or commonly, present such an example. 

Examine this scheme. More than one-sixth portion of 
the American people — confessedly the most vicious and dan- 
gerous portion — are to be transported to the shores of Africa, 
by means which are hereafter to be considered, and at an 
expense which we shall not stop now to calculate, for the 
purpose of civilizing and evangelizing Africa, and of improv- 
ing their own condition ! Here, then, are two ignorant and 
depraved nations to be regenerated instead of one — two 
huge and heterogeneous masses of moral contagion min- 
3 



26 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

gled together benevolently for the preservation of each! 
One of these is so deplorably stupid, or so unfathomably deep 
in degradation, (such is the argument,) that, although sur- 
rounded by ten millions of people living under the full blaze 
of gospel light, who have every desirable facility to elevate 
and save it, it never can rise until it be removed at least 
four thousand miles from their vicinage ! — and yet it is first 
to be evangelized in a barbarous land, by a feeble, inade- 
quate process, before it can be qualified to evangelize the 
other nation ! In other words, men who are intellectually 
and morally blind are violently removed from light effulgent 
into thick darkness, in order that they may obtain light them- 
selves and diffuse light among others ! Ignorance is sent 
to instruct ignorance, ungodliness to exhort ungodliness, vice 
to stop the progress of vice, and depravity to reform deprav- 
ity ! All that is abhorrent to our moral sense, or dangerous 
to our quietude, or villanous in human nature, we benevo- 
lently disgorge upon Africa, for her temporal and eternal 
welfare ! We propose to build upon her shores, for her 
glory and defence, colonies framed of materials which we 
discard as worthless for our own use, and which possess no 
fitness or durability ! Admirable consistency ! surprising 
wisdom ! unexampled benevolence ! As rationally might 
we think of exhausting the ocean by multiplying the num- 
ber of its tributaries, or extinguishing a fire by piling fuel 
upon it. 

Lastly. Any scheme of proselytism, which requires for 
its protection the erection of forts and the use of murderous 
weapons, is opposed to the genius of Christianity, and radi- 
cally wrong. If the gospel cannot be propagated but by the 
aid of the sword, — if its success is to depend upon the mil- 
itary science and prowess of its apostles, — it were better to 
leave the pagan world in darkness. Yet the first specimen 
of benevolence and piety, which the colonists gave to the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 27 

natives, was the building of a fort, and supplying it with 
arms and ammunition ! This was an earnest manifestation of 
that ' peace on earth, good will to man,' which these expa- 
triated missionaries were sent to inculcate ! How eminent- 
ly calculated to inspire the confidence, excite the gratitude, 
and accelerate the conversion of the Africans ! Their 
* dread of the great guns of the Islanders,' (to adopt the lan- 
guage of Mr. Ashmun,) must from the beginning have made 
a deep and salutary impression upon their minds ; and when, 
not long afterward, ' every shot ' from these guns ' spent its 
force in a solid mass of living human flesh ' — their own 
flesh — they must have experienced an entire regeneration ! 
Bullets and cannon balls argue with resistless effect, and as 
easily convert a barbarous as a civilized people. One san- 
guinary conflict was suflicient to spread the glad tidings of 
salvation among a thousand tribes, almost with the rapidity 
of light ! 

But — says an objector — these reflections come too late. 
The colony is planted, whatever may be its influence. 
What do you recommend ? Its immediate abandonment to 
want and ruin ? Shall we not bestow upon it our charities, 
and commend it to the protection of Heaven } 

I answer. Let the colony continue to receive the aid, 
and elicit the prayers of the good and benevolent. Still let 
it remain within the pale of Christian sympathy. Blot it not 
out of existence. But let it henceforth develop itself natu- 
rally. Crowd not its population. Let transportation cease. 
Seek no longer to exile millions of our colored countrymen. 
For, assuredly, if the Colonization Society succeed in its 
efforts to remove thousands of their number annually, it 
cannot inflict a heavier curse upon Africa, or more speedily 
accomplish the entire subversion of the colony. 

But — the objector asks — how shall we evangelize Africa ? 
In the same manner as we have evangelized the Sandwich 



28 ' SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and Society Islands, and portions of Burmah, Hindostan, 
and other lands. By sending missionaries of the Cross 
indeed, who shall neither build forts nor trust in weapons of 
war ; who shall be actuated by a holy zeal and genuine 
love ; who shall be qualified to instruct, admonish, enlighten, 
and convert ; who shall not by their examples impugn the 
precepts, nor subject to suspicion the excellence of the Word 
of Life ; who shall not be covered with pollution and shame 
as with a garment, nor add to the ignorance, sin and corrup- 
tion of paganism ; and who shall abhor dishonesty, violence 
and treachery. Such men have been found to volunteer 
their services for the redemption of a lost world ; and such 
men may now be found to embark in the same glorious 
enterprise. A hundred evangelists like these, dispersed 
along the shores and in the interior of Africa, would destroy 
more idols, make more progress in civilizing the natives, 
suppress more wars, unite in amity more hostile tribes, and 
convert more souls to Christ, in ten years, than a colony of 
twenty thousand ignorant, uncultivated, selfish emigrants in 
a century. Such a mission would be consonant with reason 
and common sense ; nor could it fail to receive the appro- 
bation of God. How simple and comprehensive was the 
command of the Saviour to his disciples ! Not — ' Drive out 
from among yourselves those whom you despise, or against 
whom you cherish a strong antipathy ; those wha^need to be 
instructed and converted themselves ; those who are the 
dregs of society, made vicious and helpless by oppression 
and public opinion ; those who are beyond the reach of the 
gospel in a Christian land ; those whose complexions are not 
precisely like yours ; drive out these to evangelize the na- 
tions which are in heathenish darkness ' ! But — ' Go ye into 
all the world, and preach the gospel to every creature.' 

But — says the objector — the climate of Africa is fatal to 
white men. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 29 

So is the climate of India. But our missionaries have 
not counted their lives dear unto themselves. As fast as 
one is cut down, another stands ready to supply his place. 

But the objection is fallacious. If white missionaries can- 
not, black ones can survive in Africa. What, then, is our 
duty ? Obviously to educate colored young men of genius, 
enterprise and piety, expressly to carry the ' glad tidings of 
great joy ' to her shores. Enough, I venture to affirm, stand 
ready to be sent, if they can be first qualified for their mis- 
sion. If our free colored population were brought into our 
schools, and raised from their present low estate, I am con- 
fident that an army of Christian volunteers would go out 
from their ranks, by a divine impulse, to redeem their Afri- 
can brethren from the bondage of idolatry and the dominion 
of spiritual death. 

If I must become a colonizationist, I insist upon being 
consistent : there must be no disagreement between my 
creed and practice. I must be able to give a reason why 
all our tall citizens should not conspire to remove their more 
diminutive brethren, and all the corpulent to remove the lean 
and lank, and all the strong to remove the weak, and all the 
educated to remove the ignorant, and all the rich to remove 
the poor, as readily as x^or the removal of those whose skin 
is ' not colored like my own ; ' for Nature has sinned as cul- 
pably in diversifying the size as the complexion of her pro- 
geny, and Fortune in the distribution of her gifts has been 
equally fickle. I cannot perceive that I am more excusable 
in desiring the banishment of my neighbor, because his skin 
is darker than mine, than 1 should be in desiring his banish- 
ment, because he is a smaller or feebler man than myself. 
Surely it would be sinful for a black man to repine and mur- 
mur, to impeach the wisdom and goodness of God, because 
he was made with a sable complexion ; and dare I be guilty 
of such an impeachment, by persecuting him on account of 
3» 



30 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

his color ? I dare not : I would as soon deny the existence 
of my Creator as quarrel with the workmanship of his hands. 
I rejoice that he has made one star to differ from another 
star in glory ; that he has not given to the sun the softness 
and tranquillity of the moon, nor to the moon the , intensity 
and magnificence of the sun ; that he presents to the eye 
every conceivable shape, and aspect, and color, in the gor- 
geous and multifarious productions of nature ; and I do not 
rejoice the less, but admire and exalt him the more, that, 
notwithstanding he has made of one blood the whole family 
of man, he has made the whole family of man to differ in 
personal appearance, complexion and habits. 

Of this I am sure : no man, who is truly willing to admit 
the people of color to an equality with himself, can see any 
insuperable difficulty in efTecting their elevation. When, 
therefore, I hear an individual — especially a professor of re- 
ligion — contending that they can never enjoy equal rights 
in this country, I cannot help suspecting the genuineness 
of his own republicanism or piety, or thinking that the beam 
is in his own eye. My Bible assures me that the day is com- 
ing when even the ' wolf shall dwell with the lamb, and the 
leopard shall lie down with the kid, and the wolf and the 
young lion and the fatling together ; ' and if this be possible, 
I see no cause why those of the same species — God's rational 
creatures — fellow-countrymen, in truth, cannot dwell in har- 
mony together. 

How atrociously hypocritical, how consummately despi- 
cable, how incorrigibly tyrannical, must this whole nation 
appear in the eyes of the people of Europe ! — professing to 
be the friends of the colored race, actuated by the purest 
motives of benevolence toward them, desirous of making 
atonement for past wrongs, challenging the admiration of 
the world for their patriotism, philanthropy and piety — and 
yet (hear, O heaven! and be astonished, O earth!) shame- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 31 

lessly proclaiming, with a voice louder than thunder, with 
an aspect mahgnant as sin, that while their colored country- 
men remain among them, they must be deprived of the in- 
valuable privileges of freemen, treated as inferior beings, 
separated by the brand of indelible ignominy, trampled be- 
neath their feet, and debased to a level with brute beasts ! 
Yea, that they may as soon change their complexion as rise 
from their degradation ! that no device of philanthropy can 
benefit them here ! that they constitute a class, out of which 
no individual can be elevated, and below which none can be 
depressed ! that no talents however great, no piety however 
pure and devoted, no patriotism however ardent, no industry 
however great, no wealth however abundant, can raise them 
to a footing of equality with the whites ! that, ' let them toil 
from youth to old age in the honorable pursuit of wisdom — 
let them store their minds with the most valuable researches 
of science and literature — and let them add to a highly gift- 
ed and cultivated intellect, a piety pure, undefiled, and 
unspotted from the world, it is all nothing — they would not 
be received into the very lowest walks of society ; admiration 
of such uncommon beings would mingle with disgust ! ' 
Yea, that ' there is a broad and impassable line of demarca- 
tion between every man who has one drop of African blood 
in his veins, and every other class in the community ' ! Yea, 
that ' the habits, the feelings, all the prejudices of society — 
prejudices which neither refinement, nor argument, nor edu- 
cation, nor RELIGION itself, can subdue — mark the people of 
color, whether bond or free, as the subjects of a degradation 
inevitable and incurable ' ! Yea, that ' Christianity cannot 
do for them here, what it will do for them in Africa' ! Yea, 
that ' this is not the fault of the colored man, nor of the 
WHITE MAN, nor of Christianity ; but an ordination of 
Providence, and no more to he changed than the laws of 
Nature ' ! ! 



32 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Again I ask, are we pagans, are we savages, are we devils ? 
Search the records of heathenism, and sentiments more hos- 
tile to the spirit of the gospel, or of a more black and blas- 
phemous complexion than these, cannot be found. I believe 
that they are libels upon the character of my countrymen, 
which time will wipe off. I call upon the spirits of the just 
made perfect in heaven, upon all who have experienced the 
love of God in their souls here below, upon the Christian 
converts in India and the islands of the sea, to sustain me in 
the assertion, that there is power enough in the religion of 
Jesus Christ to melt down the most stubborn prejudices, to 
overthrow the highest walls of partition, to break the strong- 
est caste, to improve and elevate the most degraded, to unite 
in fellowship the most hostile, and to equalize and bless all 
its recipients. Make me sure that there is not, and I will 
give it up, now and for ever. ' In Christ Jesus, all are one : 
there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor 
free, there is neither male nor female.' 

These sentiments were not uttered by infidels, nor by 
the low and vile, but in many instances by professors of 
religion and ministers of the gospel ; and in almost every 
instance, by reputedly the most enlightened, patriotic and 
benevolent men in the land ! Tell it not abroad ! publish it 
not in the streets of Calcutta ! Even the eminent President 
of Union College, (Rev. Dr. Nott,) could so far depart, 
unguardedly, I hope, from Christian love and duty, as to utter 
language like this in an address in behalf of the Coloniza- 
tion Society : — ' With us they (the free people of color) have 
been degraded by slavery, and still further degraded by the 
mockery of nominal freedom.'' This charge is not true. 
We have not, it is certain, treated our colored brethren 
as the law of kindness and the ties of brotherhood demand ,* 
but have we outdone Southern slaveholders in cruelty? 
Were it true, to forge new fetters for the limbs of these 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 33 

degraded beings would be an act of benevolence. But their 
condition is as much superior to that of the slaves, as happi- 
ness is to misery : indeed, it admits of no comparison. 
Again he says : ' We have endeavored, but endeavored in 
vain, to restore them cither to self-respect, or to the respect 
of others.'' It is painful to contradict so worthy an individ- 
ual ; but nothing is more certain than that this statement is 
altogether erroneous. We have derided, we have shunned, 
we have neglected them, in every possible manner. They 
have had to rise, not only under the mountainous weight of 
their own vice and ignorance, but also under the heavy and 
constant pressure of our contempt and injustice. In despite 
of us, they have done well. Again : ' It is not our fault 
that we have failed ; it is not theirs.' We are wholly and 
exclusively in fault. What have we done to raise them up 
from the earth.? What have we not done to keep them 
down ? Once more : ' It has resulted from a cause over 
which neither they, nor we, can ever have control.' In 
other words, they have been made with skins ' not colored 
like our own,' and therefore we cannot recognise them as 
fellow-countrymen, or treat them like rational beings! One 
sixth of our whole population must, for ever, in this land, 
remain a wretched, ignorant and degraded race ; and yet 
nobody is culpable — none hut the Creator, who has made us 
incapable of doing unto others as we would have them do 
unto us ! Now, if this be not an impeachment of Infinite 
Goodness, I cannot define it. The same sentiment is reitera- 
ted by a writer in the Southern Religious Telegraph, who 
says — ' The exclusion of the free black from the civil and 
Hterary privileges of our country depends on another cir- 
cumstance than that of character — a circumstance, which, 
as it was entirely beyond his control, so it is unchangeable, 
and will for ever operate. This circumstance is — he is a 
black man' ! ! And the Board of Managers of the Parent 



34 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Society, in their Fifteenth Annual Report, declare that ' an 
ordination of Providence ' prevents the general improve- 
ment of the people of color in this land ! How is our 
country dishonored, how are the requirements of the gos- 
pel contemned, by this ungodly plea! Having satisfied 
himself that the Creator is alone blameable for the past and 
present degradation of the free blacks, Dr. Nott draws the 
natural and unavoidable inference that ' here, therefore, they 
must he for ever debased, for ever useless, for ever a 7iui- 
sance^for ever a calamity ; ' and then gravely declares, (mark 
the climax !) ' and yet they, and they only, are qualified 
for colonizing Africa ' ! ' Why, then,' he asks, ' in the name 
of God,^ (the abrupt appeal, in this connection, seems almost 
profane,) ' should we hesitate to encourage their departure ? ' 

Nature, we are constantly assured, has raised up impassa- 
ble barriers between the races. But Southern slavehold- 
ers have clearly demonstrated, that an amalgamation with 
their slaves is not only possible, but a very easy matter, and 
eminently productive. It neither ends in abortion nor pro- 
duces monsters. In truth, it is often so difficult in the slave 
States to distinguish between the fruits of this intercourse 
and the children of white parents, that witnesses are sum- 
moned at court to solve the problem ! Talk of the barriers 
of Nature, when the land swarms with living refutations of 
the statement ! Happy indeed would it be for many a 
female slave, if such a barrier could exist during the 
period of her servitude, to protect her from the lust of her 
master. 

In France, England, Spain, and other countries, persons 
of color maintain as high a rank, and are treated as honora- 
bly, as any other class of the inhabitants, in despite of the 
' impassable barriers of Nature.' Yet it is proclaimed to the 
world by the Colonization Society, that the American people 
can never be as republican in their feelings and practices as 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 35 

Frenchmen, Spaniards or Englishmen ! Nay, that religion 
itself cannot subdue their malignant prejudices, nor induce 
them to treat their dark-skinned brethren in accordance with 
their professions of republicanism ! My countrymen ! is it 
so ? Are you willing thus to be held up as tyrants and hyp- 
ocrites for ever? as less magnanimous and just than the 
populace of Europe ? No — no! I cannot give you up as 
incorrigibly wicked, nor my countiy as sealed over to 
destruction. My confidence remains like the oak — like the 
Alps — unshaken, storm-proof. I am not discouraged ; lam 
not distrustful. I still place an unwavering reliance upon 
the omnipotence of truth. I still believe that the demands 
of justice will be satisfied ; that the voice of bleeding human- 
ity will melt the most obdurate heart ; and that the land will 
be redeemed and regenerated by an enlightened and ener- 
getic public opinion. As long as there remains among us a 
single copy of the Declaration of Independence, or of the 
New Testament, I will not despair of the social and political 
elevation of my black countrymen. Already a rallying-cry 
is heard from the East and the West, from the North and 
the South ; towns and cities and states are in commotion ; 
volunteers are trooping to the field ; the spirit of freedom 
and the fiend of oppression are in mortal conflict, and all neu- 
trality is at an end. Already the line of division is drawn; 
on one side are the friends of truth and liberty, with their 
banner floating high in the air, on which are inscribed, in let- 
ters of light, ' Immediate Abolition ' — ' No Compromise 
WITH Oppressors' — 'Equal Rights' — 'No Expatria- 
tion' — 'Duty, and not Consequences' — 'Let Justice 
be done, though the Heavens fall ! ' On the oppo- 
site side stand the supporters and apologists of slavery, in 
mighty array, with a black flag, on which are seen, in bloody 
characters, ' African Colonization' — 'Gradual Aboli- 
tion ' — ' Rights of Property ' — ' No Equality' — ' Expul- 



30 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

siON OF THE Blacks ' — ' Protection to Tyrants ! ' Who 
can doubt the issue of this controversy, or which side has 
the approbation of the Lord of hosts ? 

See how suddenly, by a touch of the Colonization wand, 
those who, in one breath, are denounced as ' nuisances,' 
can be transformed into enlightened citizens and excellent 
Christians — to hide the iniquity of their expulsion ! 

In the month of June, 1830, I happened to peruse a num- 
ber of the Southern Religious Telegraph, in which I found 
an essay, enforcing the duty of clergymen to take up collec- 
tions in aid of the funds of the Colonization Society, on the 
then approaching Fourth of July. After an appropriate 
introductory paragraph, the writer says : 

*But — we have a plea hke a peace-offering to man and to God. 
"We answer poor blind Africa in her complaint — that we have her 
children, and that they have served on our plantations. And we 
tell her, look at their returning ! We took them barbarous, though 
measurably free, — untaught — rude — without science — without the 
true religion — without philosophy — and strangers to the best civil 
governments. And now we return them to her bosom, with the 
mechanic arts, with science, with philosophy, with civilization, with 
republican feelings, and above all, with the true knowledge of the 
true God, and the way of salvation through the Redeemer.' 

' The mechanic arts' ! With whom did they serve their 
apprenticeship ? ' With philosophy ' ! In what colleges 
were they taught ? It is strange that we should be so anx- 
ious to get rid of these scientific men of color, these phi- 
losophers, these republicans, these Christians, and that we 
should shun their company as if they were afflicted with the 
hydrophobia, or carried a deadly pestilence in their train ! 
Certainly, they must have singular notions of the Christian 
religion which tolerates — or, rather, which is so perverted as 
to tolerate — the oppression of God's rational creatures by its 
professors ! They must feel a peculiar kind of brotherly 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 37 

love for those good men, who banded together to remove 
them to Africa, because they were too proud to associate 
famiHarly with men of a sable complexion ! But the writer 
proceeds : 

* We tell her, look at the little colony on her shores. We tell 
her, look to the consequences that must flow to all her borders from 
religion, and science, and knowledge, and civilization, and republi- 
can government ! And then we ask her — is not one ship load of emi- 
grants returning with these multiplied blessings, worth more to her than 
a million of her barbarous sons ? ' 

So ! every ship load of ignorant and helpless emigrants 
is to more than compensate Africa for every million of her 
children who have been kidnapped, buried in the ocean and 
on the land, tortured with savage cruelty, and held in per- 
petual servitude ! Truly, this is a compendious method of 
balancing accounts. In the sight of God, of Africa, and of 
the world, we are consequently blameless, and rather praise- 
worthy, for our past transgressions. It is such sophistry as 
is contained in the foregoing extract, that kindles my indig- 
nation into a blaze. I abhor cant, I abhor hypocrisy ; and 
if some of the advocates of the Colonization Society do not 
deal largely in both, I am unable to comprehend the mean- 
ing of those terms. 

Instead of returning to those, whom they have so deeply 
injured, with repenting and undissembling love ; instead of 
seeking to conciliate and remunerate the victims of their 
prejudice and oppression ; instead of resolving to break the 
yoke of servitude, and let the oppressed go free ; it seems 
to be the only anxiety and aim of the American people, to 
outwit the vengeance of Heaven, and strengthen the bul- 
warks of tyranny, by expelling the free people of color, and 
effecting such a diminution of the number of slaves as shall 
give the white population a triumphant and irresistible supc- 
4 



38 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

riorily ! ' Check the increase ! ' is their cry — ' let us retain 
in everlasting bondage as many as we can, safely. To do 
justly is not our intention ; we only mean to remove the sur- 
plus of our present stock ; we think we shall be able, by 
this prudent device, to oppress and rob with impunity. Our 
present wailing is not for our heinous crimes, but only 
because our avarice and cruelty have carried us beyond our 
ability to protect ourselves : we lament, not because we hold 
so large a numberjn fetters of iron, but because we cannot 
safely hold more ! ' 

Ye crafty calculators ! ye greedy and relentless tyrants ! 
ye contemners of justice and mercy ! ye pale-faced usurp- 
ers ! my soul spurns you with unspeakable disgust. Know 
ye not that the reward of your hands shall be given you } 
' Wo unto them that decree unrighteous decrees, and that 
write grievousness which they have prescribed ; to turn aside 
the needy from judgment, and to take away the right from 
the poor, that widows may be their prey, and that they may 
rob the fatherless ! And what will ye do in the day of vis- 
itation, and in the desolation which shall come from far ? to 
whom will ye flee for help } and where will ye leave your 
glory ? ' ' What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, 
and grind the face of the poor } saith the Lord God of hosts.' 
' Behold, the hire of the laborers which have reaped down 
your fields, which is of you kept back by fraud, crieth ; and 
the cries of them which have reaped are entered into the 
ear of the Lord of Sabaoth.' Repent! repent! now, in 
sackcloth and ashes. Think not to succeed in your expul- 
sive crusade ; you cannot hide your motives from the Great 
Searcher of hearts ; and if a sinful worm of the dust, like 
myself, is fired with indignation at your dastardly behavior 
and mean conspiracy to evade repentance and punishment, 
how must the anger of Him, whose holiness and justice are 
infinite, burn against you } Is it not a fearful thing to fall 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 39 

into the hands of the living God ? You may plot by day 
and by night ; you may heap together the treasures of the 
land, and multiply and enlarge your combinations, to extri- 
cate yourselves from peril ; but you cannot succeed. Your 
only alternative is, either to redress the wrongs of the 
oppressed now, and humble yourselves before God, or pre- 
pare for the chastisements of Heaven. I repeat it — repent- 
ance or PUNISHMENT must be yours. 

The Colonization Society deters a large number of mas- 
ters from liberating their slaves, and hence directly perpetu- 
ates the evils of slavery : it deters them for two reasons — an 
unwillingness to augment the wretchedness of those who are 
in servitude, by turning them loose upon the country, and a 
dread of increasing the number of their enemies. It creates 
and nourishes the bitterest animosity against the free blacks. 
It has spread an alarm among all classes of society, in all 
parts of the country ; and acting under this fearful impulse, 
they begin to persecute, believing self-preservation imperi- 
ously calls for this severe treatment. It is constantly thun- 
dering in the ears of the slave States — ' Your free blacks 
contaminate your slaves, excite their deadliest hate, and are 
a source of horrid danger to yourselves ! They must be 
removed, or your destruction is inevitable.' What is their 
response? Precisely such as might be expected — 'We 
know it; we dread the presence of this class; their influ- 
ence over our slaves weakens our power, and endangers our 
safety ; they must, they shall be expatriated, or be crushed 
to the earth if they remain ! ' It says to the free States — 
' Your colored population can never be rendered serviceable, 
intelligent or loyal ; they will only, and always, serve to 
increase your taxes, crowd your poor-houses and penitentia- 
ries, and corrupt and impoverish society ! ' Again, what is 
the natural response? — 'It is even so; they are offensive 
to the eye, and a pest in community ; theirs is now, and 



461 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

must inevitably be, without a reversal of the laws of nature, 
the lot of vagabonds ; it were useless to attempt their intel- 
lectual and moral improvement among ourselves ; and 
therefore be this their alternative — either to emigrate to 
Liberia, or remain for ever a despicable caste in this 
country ! ' 

Hence the enactment of those sanguinary laws, which dis- 
grace our statute books ; hence, too, the increasing dispo- 
sition which is every where seen to render the situation of 
the free blacks intolerable. Never was it so pitiable and 
distressing — so full of peril and anxiety — so burdened with 
misery, despondency and scorn; never were the prejudices 
of society so virulent and implacable against them ; never 
were their prospects so dark, and dreary, and hopeless ; 
never was the hand of power so heavily laid upon their 
limbs ; never were they so restricted in regard to locomotion 
and the advantages of education, as at the present time. 
Athwart their sky scarcely darts a single ray of light — 
above and around them darkness reigns, and an angry tem- 
pest is mustering its fearful strength, and ' thunders are 
uttering their voices.' Treachery is seeking to decoy, and 
violence to expel them. For all this, and more than this, 
and more that is to come, the American Colonization Society 
is responsible. And no better evidence is needed than this : 
iheir persecution, traducement and wretchedness increase 
in exact ratio with the influence, popularity and extension of 
this Society ! The fact is undeniable, and it is conclu- 
sive. For it is absurd to suppose, that, as the disposition 
and ability of an association to alleviate misery increase, 
so will the degradation and suffering of the objects of its 
charities. 

If the American Colonization Society were indeed actu- 
ated by the purest motives and the best feelings toward the 
objects of its supervision ; if it were not based upon injustice. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 41 

fraud, persecution and incorrigible prejudice ; still, if its pur- 
pose be contrary to the wishes and injurious to the interests 
of the free people of color, it ought not to receive the coun- 
tenance of the public. Even the trees of the forest are 
keenly susceptible to every touch of violence, and seem to 
deprecate transplantation to a foreign soil. Even birds and 
animals pine in exile from their native haunts ; their local 
attachments are wonderful ; they migrate only to return 
again at the earliest opportunity. Perhaps there is not a 
living thing, from the hugest animal down to the minutest 
animalcule, whose pleasant associations are not circumscrib- 
ed, or that has not some favorite retreats. This universal 
preference, this love of home, seems to be the element of 
being, — a constitutional attribute given by the all-wise Crea- 
tor to bind each separate tribe or community within intelli- 
gent and well-defined limits : for, in its absence, order would 
be banished from the world, collision between the count- 
less orders of creation would be perpetual, and violence 
would depopulate the world with more than pestilential 
rapidity. 

Shall it be said that beings endowed with high intellectual 
powers, sustaining the most important relations, created for 
social enjoyments, and made but a little lower than the 
angels — shall it be said that their local attachments are less 
tenacious than those of trees, and birds, and beasts, and 
insects ? I know that the blacks are classed by some, who 
scarcely give any evidence of their own humanity but their 
shape, among the brute creation : but are they below the 
brutes ? or are they more insensible to rude assaults than 
forest-trees ? 

' Men,' says an erratic but powerful writer — 'men are 

like trees : they delight in a rude soil — they strike their 

roots downward with a perpetual effort, and heave their jiroud 

branches upward in perpetual strife. Are they to be rcmov- 

4» 



4^ SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ed ? — you must tear up the very earth with their roots, and 
rock, and ore, and impurity, or they perish. They cannot 
be translated with safety. Something of their home — a 
little of their native soil, must cling to them forever, or they 
die.' 

This love of home, of neighborhood, of country, is inhe- 
rent in the human breast. It accompanies the child from its 
earliest reminiscence up to old age : it is written upon every 
tangible and permanent object within the habitual cognizance 
of the eye — upon stone, and tree, and rivulet — upon the 
green hill, and the verdant plain, and the opulent valley — 
upon house, and garden, and steeple-spire — upon the soil, 
whether it be rough or smooth, sandy or hard, barren or 
luxuriant. 

No one will understand me to maintain, that population 
should never be thinned by foreign emigration ; but only 
that such an emigration is unnatural. The great mass of a 
neighborhood or country must necessarily be stable : only 
fractions are cast off, and float away on the tide of adventure. 
Individual enterprise or estrangement is one thing : the trans- 
lation of an entire people to an unknown clime, another. 
The former may be moved by a single impulse — by a love 
of novelty, or a desire of gain, or a hope of preferment ; 
he leaves no perceptible void in society. The latter can 
never be expatriated but by some extraordinary calamity, or 
by the application of intolerable restraints. They must first 
be rendered broken-hearted or loaded with chains — hope 
must not merely sicken but die — cord after cord must be sun- 
dered — ere they will seek another home. 

African colonization is directly and irreconcilably oppos- 
ed to the wishes of our colored population, as a body. Their 
desires ought to be tenderly regarded. In all my intercourse 
with them, in various towns and cities, I have never seen one 
of their number who was friendly to this scheme ; and I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 43 

have not been backward in canvassing their opinions on this 
subject. They are as unanimously opposed to a removal to 
Africa, as the Cherokees from the council-fires and graves 
of their fathers. It is remarkable, too, that they are as unit- 
ed in their respect and esteem for the republic of Hayti. 
But this is their country — they are resolute against every 
migratory plot, and willing to rely on the justice of the 
nation for an ultimate restoration to all their lost rights and 
privileges. What is the fact ? Through the instrumentality 
of Benjamin Lundy, the distinguished and veteran cham- 
pion of emancipation, a great highway has been opened to 
the Haytien republic, over which our colored population may 
travel toll free, and at the end of their brief journey be the 
free occupants of the soil, and meet such a reception as was 
never yet given to any sojourners in any country, since the 
departure of Israel out of Egypt. One would think, that, with 
such inducements and under such circumstances, this broad 
thoroughfare would present a most animating spectacle ; that 
the bustle and roar of a journeying multitude would fall upon 
the ear like the strife of the ocean, or the distant thunder of 
the retiring storm ; and that the song of the oppressor and 
the oppressed, a song of deliverance to each, would go up to 
heaven, till its echoes were seemingly the responses of 
angels and justified spirits. But it is not so. Only here and 
there a traveller is seen to enter upon the road — there is no 
noise of preparation or departure ; but a silence, deeper than 
the breathlessness of midnight, rests upon our land — not a 
shout of joy is heard throughout our borders ! 

Whatever may be the result of this great controversy, I 
shall have the consolation of believing that no efforts were 
lacking, on my part, to uproot the prejudices of my coun- 
trymen, to persuade them to walk in the 'path of duty and 
shun the precipice of expediency, to undo the heavy bur- 
dens and let the oppressed go free at once, to warn them of 



44 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the danger of expelling the people of color from their native 
land, and to convince them of the necessity of abandoning 
a dangerous and chimerical, as well as unchristian and anti- 
republican association. For these efforts I have hitherto suf- 
fered reproach and persecution, must expect to suffer, and 
am willing to suffer to the end.* 



Fifty-three years ago, the Fourth of July was a proud day 
for our country. It clearly and accurately defined the rights 
of man ; it made no vulgar alterations in the established 
usages of society ; it presented a revelation adapted to the 
common sense of mankind ; it vindicated the omnipotence 
of public opinion over the machinery of kingly government ; 
it shook, as with the voice of a great earthquake, thrones 
which were seemingly propped up with Atlantean pillars ; 
it gave an impulse to the heart of the world, which yet thrills 
to its extremities. 

It may be profitable to inquire, whether the piety which 
founded, and the patriotism which achieved our liberties, 
remain unimpaired in principle, undiminished in devotion. 
Possibly our Samson is sleeping in the lap of Delilah, with 

* Extracted from a pamphlet, published in 1832, entitled 
» Thoughts on African Colonization : or an Impartial Exhibition 
of the Doctrines, Principles and Purposes of the American Coloni- 
zation Society. Together with the Resolutions, Addresses and 
Remonstrances of the Free People of Color. By William Lloyd 
Garrison.' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 45 

his locks shorn and his strength departed. Possibly his 
enemies have put out his eyes, and bound him with fetters 
of brass, and compelled him to grind in the prison-house ; 
and if, in his rage and blindness, he find the pillars of the 
fabric, woe to those for whose sport he is led forth ! 

For many years, the true friends of their country have 
witnessed the return of this great jubilee with a terror, that 
no consolation could remove, and with a grief, that no flat- 
tery could assuage. They have seen, that, instead of being 
distinguished for rationality of feeling and purity of purpose, 
it has exhibited the perversion of reason and the madness of 
intemperance. Patriotism has degenerated into mere ani- 
mal indulgence ; or, rather, into the most offensive person- 
alities. Liberty has gone hand in hand with licentiousness — 
her gait unsteady, her face bloated, her robe bedraggled in 
the dust. It seems as if men had agreed, by common 
consent, that an act, which, on any other day, would impeach 
a fair reputation, on this, should help enlarge that reputation. 
The love of country has been tested by the exact number 
of libations poured forth, the most guns fired, the greatest 
number of toasts swallowed, and the loudest professions of 
loyalty to the Union, uttered over the wine-cup. 

Indeed, so dear is Liberty to many, that they cannot make 
too free with her charms : they owe her so much, that they 
owe the Most High nothing. It would shock their sensibility, 
and tarnish their reputation as patriots, to be caught at a 
religious celebration of our national anniversary. The day, 
they argue, should be properly appreciated ; and, unless a 
man gets gloriously inebriated, either at home or in the 
streets, at his own or a public table, in digesting his own good 
sayings or those of others — unless he declaims roundly in 
praise of freedom, and drinks perdition to tyrants — it shows 
that he is either a monarchist or a bigot. 

But it is not the direct, palpable, and widely extensive mis- 



46 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

chief to public morals, which alone makes the Fourth of 
July the worst and most disastrous day in the whole three 
hundred and sixty-five. There is, if possible, a corruption 
more deep — an intoxication more fascinating and deadly. It 
is that torrent of flattery, artfully sweetened and spiced, 
which is poured out for the thirsty multitude to swallow ; it 
is that thriftless prodigality of praise, that presumptuous defi- 
ance of danger, that treacherous assurance of security, that 
impudent assumption of ignorance, that pompous declama- 
tion of vanity, that lying attestation of falsehood, from the 
lips of tumid orators, which are poisoning our life-blood. 

We are a vain people, and our love of praise is inordinate. 
We imagine, and are annually taught to believe, that the 
republic is immortal ; that its flight, like a strong angePs, has 
been perpetually upward, till it has soared above the impu- 
rities of earth, and beyond the remotest star; and, having 
attained perfection, is forever out of the reach of circum- 
stance and change. An earthquake may rock all Europe, 
and ingulph empires at a stroke ; but it cannot raise an inch 
of republican territory, nor disturb the composure of a plat- 
ter on our shelves. The ocean may gather up its forces 
for a second deluge, and overtop the tallest mountains ; but 
our ark will float securely when the world is drowned. The 
storm may thicken around us ; but a smile from the goddess 
of Liberty will disperse the gloom, and build a rainbow 
wherever she turns her eye. We shall remain ' till the heav- 
ens be no more.' 

It is this fatal delusion, which so terrifies men of reflection 
and foresight ; which makes the Christian shudder at the 
prospect before us, and the Patriot weep in despair ; which, 
unless the mercy of God interpose, seals the doom of our 
country. 

When a people become so infatuated as to deny the exist- 
ence, and to doubt the possibility of danger; when they 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 47 

hear the language of reproof with angry emotions, and rid- 
icule the remonstrances of wisdom as the croakings of imbe- 
cility ; when they imagine every virtue to dwell in mere 
liberty, and are content to take the shadow for the substance, 
the name for the object, the promise for the possession, there 
is no extreme of folly into which they cannot be led, no 
vice which they will not patronise, no error which they will 
not adopt, no pitfall into which they will not stumble. 

At such a crisis, the reason of men becomes more obtuse 
than animal instinct. The frugal and industrious ant does 
not wait till the cold winds of winter stiffen her legs, before 
she stores her provisions ; the bird of passage migrates when 
autumn expires ; the deer needs only to hear the bark of the 
hounds, and, without waiting for their approach, he tosses 
back his broad antlers, and dashes onward with the speed of 
an arrow. But a nation of infatuated freemen take no warn- 
ing from history ; they learn nothing from experience. To 
their vision, the signs of the times are always ominous of 
good. Like the inhabitants of Jerusalem, they must hear 
the avenger thundering at their gates, and see their destiny 
prefigured by dreadful omens in the heavens, before they 
will acknowledge that the judgments of God are sure. They 
must tread on the cinders of a national coflnagration, and 
count the number of smoking ruins, before they will believe 
in the combustibleness of the republic. 

' Our fate,' says a distinguished essayist, ' is not foretold 
by signs and wonders : the meteors do not indeed glare in 
the form of types, and print it legibly in the sky : but our 
warning is as distinct, and almost as awful, as if it were 
announced in thunder by the concussion of all the ele- 
ments.' 

I know that this may be viewed as the phantasm of a dis- 
ordered imagination. I know, too, it is easy to persuade 
ourselves that we shall escape those maladies, which have 



48 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

destroyed other nations. But, how closely soever a republic 
may resemble the human body in its liability to disease and 
death, the instance is not on record, where a people expired 
on account of excessive watchfulness over their own health, 
or of any premature apprehension of decay ; and there is 
no national epitaph which says, ' they were well, they wish- 
ed to be better, they took physic, and died.' 

I speak not as a partisan or an opponent of any man or 
measures, when I say, that our politics are rotten to the core. 
We boast of our freedom, who go shackled to the polls, year 
after year, by tens, and hundreds, and thousands ! We talk 
of free agency, who are the veriest machines — the merest 
automata — in the hands of unprincipled jugglers ! We prate 
of integrity, and virtue, and independence, who sell our 
birthright for office, and who, nine times in ten, do not get 
Esau's bargain — no, not even a mess of pottage ! Is it 
republicanism to say, that the majority can do no wrong ? 
Then I am not a republican. Is it aristocracy to say, that 
the people sometimes shamefully abuse their high trust } 
Then I am an aristocrat. Rely upon it, the republic does 
not bear a charmed life : our prescriptions, administered 
through the medium of the ballot-box — the mouth of the 
political body — may kill or cure, according to the nature of 
the disease, and our wisdom in applying the remedy. It is 
possible that a people may bear the title of freemen, who 
execute the work of slaves. To the dullest observer of the 
signs of the times, it must be apparent, that we are rapidly 
approximating to this condition. Never were our boasts of 
liberty so inflated as at this moment — never were they 
greater mockeries. We are governed, not by our sober 
judgments, but by our passions : we are led by our ears, not 
by our understandings. 

Wherein do we differ from the ancient Romans ? What 
shall save us from their fate ? 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 49 

' It is remarkable,' says a writer, to whom all history was 
as familiar as his alphabet, ' it is remarkable that Cicero, 
with all his dignity and good sense, found it a popular sea- 
soning of his harangue, six years after Julius Ca)sar had 
established a monarchy, and only six months hefore Octavius 
totally subverted the commonwealth, to say : " It is not pos- 
sible for the people of Rome to be slaves, whom the gods 
have destined to the command of all nations. Other nations 
may endure slavery, but the proper end and business of the 
Roman people is liberty." ' 

But there is another evil, which, if we had to contend 
against nothing else, should make us quake for the issue. 
It is a gangrene preying upon our vitals — an earthquake 
rumbling under our feet — a mine accumulating materials for 
a national catastrophe. It should make this a day of fasting 
and prayer, not of boisterous merriment and idle pageantry 
— a day of great lamentation, not of congratulatory joy. It 
should spike every cannon, and haul down every banner. 
Our garb should be sackcloth — our heads bowed in the 
dust — our supplications, for the pardon and assistance of 
Heaven. 

Last week, this city was made breathless by a trial of 
considerable magnitude. The court chamber was inundated 
for hours, day after day, with a dense and living tide, which 
swept along like the rush of a mountain torrent. Tiers of 
human bodies were piled up to the walls, with almost mirac- 
ulous condensation and ingenuity. It seemed as if men 
abhorred a vacuum equally with Nature : they would suspend 
themselves, as it were, by a nail, and stand upon air with 
the aid of a peg. Although it was a barren, ineloquent sub- 
ject, and the crowd immense, there was no perceptible want 
of interest — no evidence of impatience. The cause was 
important, involving the reputation of a distinguished citizen. 
There was a struggle for mastery between two giants — a 
5 



5® SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

test of Strength in tossing mountains of law. The excite- 
ment was natural. 

I stand up here in a more solemn court, to assist in a far 
greater cause ; not to impeach the character of one man, 
but of a whole people — not to recover the sum of a hundred 
thousand dollars, but to obtain the liberation of two millions 
of wretched, degraded beings, who are pining in hopeless 
bondage — over whose sufferings scarcely an eye weeps, or a 
heart melts, or a tongue pleads either to God or man. I 
regret that a better advocate had not been found, to enchain 
your attention, and to warm your blood. Whatever fallacy, 
however, may appear in the argument, there is no flaw 
in the indictment ; what the speaker lacks, the cause will 
supply. 

Sirs, I am not come to tell you that slavery is a curse, 
debasing in its effect, cruel in its operation, fatal in its con- 
tinuance. The day and the occasion require no such reve- 
lation. I do not claim the discovery as my own, ' that all 
men are born equal,' and that among their inalienable rights 
are ' life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.' Were I 
addressing any other than a free and Christian assembly, the 
enforcement of this truth might be pertinent. Neither do I 
intend to analyze the horrors of slavery for your inspection, 
nor to freeze your blood with authentic recitals of savage 
cruelty. Nor will time allow me to explore even a furlong 
of that immense wilderness of suffering, which remains 
unsubdued in our land. I take it for granted that the exist- 
ence of these evils is acknowledged, if not rightly under- 
stood. My object is to define and enforce our duty, as 
Christians and Philanthropists. 

On a subject so exhaustless, it will be impossible, in the 
moiety of an address, to unfold all the facts which are neces- 
sary to its full development. In view of it, my heart 
wells up like a living fountain, which time cannot exhaust. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 51 

for it is perpetual. Let this be considered as the preface of 
a noble work, which your inventive sympathies must elabo- 
rate and complete. 

I assume, as distinct and defensible propositions, 

I. That the slaves of this country, whether we consider 
their moral, intellectual or social condition, are pre-eminently 
entitled to the prayers, and sympathies, and charities of the 
American people ; and that their claims for redress are as 
strong as those of any Americans could be, in a similar con- 
dition. 

II. That, as the free States — by which I mean non-slave- 
holding States — are constitutionally involved in the guilt of 
slavery, by adhering to a national compact that sanctions it ; 
and in the danger, by liability to be called upon for aid in 
case of insurrection ; they have the right to remonstrate 
against its continuance, and it is their duty to assist in its 
overthrow. 

III. That no justificative plea for the perpetuity of slavery 
can be found in the condition of its victims ; and no barrier 
against our righteous interference, in the laws which author- 
ize the buying, selling and possessing of slaves, nor in the 
hazard of a coUision with slaveholders. 

IV. That education and freedom will elevate our colored 
population to a rank with the whites — making them useful, 
intelligent and peaceable citizens. 

In the first place, it will be readily admitted, that it is the 
duty of every nation primarily to administer relief to its own 
necessities, to cure its own maladies, to instruct its own chil- 
dren, and to watch over its own interests. He is ' worse 
than an infidel,' who neglects his own household, and squan- 
ders his earnings upon strangers ; and the policy of that 
nation is unwise, which seeks to proselyte other portions of 
the globe at the expense of its safety and ha{)[)iness. Let 
me not be misunderstood. My benevolence is neither con- 



52 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

tracted nor selfish. I pity that man whose heart is not larger 
than a whole continent. I despise the littleness of that patri- 
otism which blusters only for its own rights, and, stretched 
to its utmost dimensions, scarcely covers its native territory ; 
which adopts as its creed, the right to act independently, 
even to the verge of licentiousness, without restraint, and to 
tyrannize wherever it can with impunity. This sort of patri- 
otism is common. I suspect the reality, and deny the pro- 
ductiveness of that piety, which confines its operations to a 
particular spot — if that spot be less than the whole earth; 
nor scoops out, in every direction, new channels for the 
waters of life. Christian charity, while it ' begins at home,' 
goes abroad in search of misery. It is as copious as the sun 
in heaven. It does not, like the Nile, make a partial inun- 
dation, and then withdraw ; but it perpetually overflows, and 
fertilizes every barren spot. It is restricted only by the 
exact number of God's suffering creatures. But I mean to 
say, that, while we are aiding and instructing foreigners, we 
ought not to forget our own degraded countrymen ; that 
neither duty nor honesty requires us to defraud ourselves, that 
we may enrich others. 

The condition of the slaves, in a religious point of view, 
is deplorable, entitling them to a higher consideration, on our 
part, than any other race ; higher than the Turks or Chinese, 
for they have the privileges of instruction ; higher than the 
Pagans, for they are not dwellers in a gospel land ; higher 
than our red men of the forest, for we do not bind them with 
gyves, nor treat them as chattels. 

And here let me ask, what has Christianity done, by direct 
effort, for our slave population ? Comparatively nothing. 
She has explored the isles of the ocean for objects of com- 
miseration ; but, amazing stupidity ! she can gaze without 
emotion on a multitude of miserable beings at home, large 
enough to constitute a nation of freemen, whom tyranny has 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 53 

heathenized by law. In her public services, they are seldom 
remembered, and in her private donations they are forgotten. 
From one end of the country to the other, her charitable 
societies form golden links of benevolence, and scatter their 
contributions like rain-drops over a parched heath ; but they 
bring no sustenance to the perishing slave. The blood of 
souls is upon her garments, yet she heeds not the stain. The 
clankings of the prisoner's chains strike upon her ear, but 
they cannot penetrate her heart. 

I have said, that the claims of the slaves for redress are 
as strong as those of any Americans could be, in a similar 
condition. Does any man deny the position ? The proof, 
then, is found in the fact, that a very large proportion of our 
colored population were born on our soil, and are therefore 
entitled to all the privileges of American citizens. This is 
their country by birth, not by adoption. Their children pos- 
sess the same inherent and unalienable rights as ours ; 
and it is a crime of the blackest dye to load them with 
fetters. 

Every Fourth of July, our Declaration of Independence is 
produced, with a sublime indignation, to set forth the tyranny 
of the mother country, and to challenge the admiration 
of the world. But what a pitiful detail of grievances does 
this document present, in comparison with the wrongs which 
our slaves endure ! In the one case, it is hardly the pluck- 
ing of a hair from the head ; in the other, it is the crushing 
of a live body on the wheel ; the stings of the wasp con- 
trasted with the tortures of the inquisition. Before God, I 
must say, that such a glaring contradiction, as exists between 
our creed and practice, the annals of six thousand years 
cannot parallel. In view of it, I am ashamed of my coun- 
try. I am sick of our unmeaning declamation in praise of lib- 
erty and equality ; of our hypocritical cant about the unalien- 
able rights of man. I could not, for my right hand, stand , 
5* 



^ SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

up before a European assembly, and exult that 1 am an 
American citizen, and denounce the usurpations of a kingly 
government as wicked and unjust ; or, should I make the 
attempt, the recollection of my country's barbarity and des- 
potism would blister my lips, and cover my cheeks with 
^ burning blushes of shame. 

Will this be termed a rhetorical flourish ? Will any man 
coldly accuse me of intemperate zeal ? I will borrow, then, 
a ray of humanity from one of the brightest stars in our 
American galaxy, whose light will gather new effulgence to 
the end of time. ' This, sirs, is a cause, that would be dis- 
honored and betrayed, if I contented myself with appealing 
only to the understanding. It is too cold, and its processes 
are too slow for the occasion. I desire to thank God, that, 
since he has given me an intellect so fallible, he has impress- 
ed upon me an instinct that is sure. On a question of shame 
and honor — liberty and oppression — reasoning is sometimes 
useless, and worse. 1 feel the decision in my pulse : if 
it throws no light upon the brain, it kindles a fire at the 
heart.' 

Let us suppose that endurance has passed its bounds, and 
that the slaves, goaded to desperation by the cruelty of their 
oppressors, have girded on the armor of vengeance. Let 
us endeavor to imagine the appeal which they would publish 
to the world, in extenuation of their revolt. The preamble 
might be taken from our own Declaration of Independence, 
with a few slight alterations. Then what a detail of wrongs 
would follow ! Speaking at first from the shores of Africa, 
and changing their situation with the course of events, they 
would say : 

' They, (the American people,) arrogantly styling them- 
selves the champions of freedom, for a long course of years 
have been guilty of the most cruel and protracted tyranny. 
They have invaded our territories, depopulated our villages, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 55 

and kindled among us the flames of an exterminating war. 
They have wedged us into the holds of their ' floating hells,' 
with suflbcating compactness, and without distinction of age 
or sex — allowing us neither to inhale the invigorating air of 
heaven, nor to witness the cheering light of the sun, neither 
wholesome food nor change of raiment — by which treatment 
thousands have expired under the most horrible sufferings. 
They have brought us to a free and Christian land, (so call- 
ed,) and sold us in their market-places like cattle — even in 
the proud Capital of their Union, and within sight of their 
legislative halls, where Tyranny struts in the semblance of 
Liberty. They have cruelly torn the wife from her husband, 
the mother from her daughter, and children from their 
parents, and sold them into perpetual exile. They have 
confined us in loathsome cells and secret prisons — driven us 
in large droves from State to State, beneath a burning sky, 
half naked, and heavily manacled — nay, retaken and sold 
many, who had by years of toil obtained their liberation. 
They have compelled us ' to till their ground, to carry them, 
to fan them when they sleep, and tremble when they wake,' 
and rewarded us only with stripes, and hunger, and naked- 
ness. They have lacerated our bodies with whips, and 
brands, and knives, for the most innocent and trifling offen- 
ces, and often solely to gratify their malignant propensities ; 
nor do they esteem it a crime worthy of death to murder us 
at will. Nor have they deprived us merely of our liberties. 
They would destroy our souls, by endeavoring to deprive us 
of the means of instruction — of a knowledge of God, and 
Jesus Christ, and the Holy Spirit, and a way of salvation : 
at the same time, they have taxed the whole country (our own 
labor among other things) to instruct and enlighten those 
who are at a great remove from them, whom they never fet- 
tered nor maimed, whose condition is not so dark or piti- 
able as our own. They have ' 



56 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

But why need I proceed ? My powers of description are 
inadequate to the task. A greater than Jefferson would fail. 
Only the pen of the recording angel can declare their man- 
ifold wrongs and sufferings ; and the revelation will not be 
made till the day of judgment. 

We say, that the disabilities imposed upon our fathers, by 
the mother country, furnished just cause for rebellion ; 
that their removal was paramount to every other considera- 
tion ; and that the slaughter of our oppressors was a justifi- 
able act ; for we should resist unto blood to save our liberties. 
Suppose that to-morrow should bring us tidings that the slaves 
at the South had revolted, en inasse, and were spreading 
devastation and death among the white population. Should 
we celebrate their achievements in song, and justify their 
terrible excesses.? And why not, if our creed be right.'' 
Their wrongs are unspeakably grievous, and liberty is the 
birthright of every man. 

We say, that France was justified in assisting our fathers 
to maintain their independence ; and that, as a nation, we 
owe her our liveliest gratitude for her timely interference. 
Suppose, in case of a revolt, that she, or some other Euro- 
pean power, should furnish our slaves with guns and ammu- 
nition, and pour her troops into our land. Would it be 
treacherous or cruel ? Why, according to our revolutionary 
credenda.'' The argument, tremendous as it is, is against 
us ! Well, it may be done. At a fit moment, a foreign 
foe may stir up a rebellion, and arm every black, and take 
the lead in the enterprise. The attempt would not be diffi- 
cult ; the result can be easily imagined. 

We say, that the imprisonment of an inconsiderable num- 
ber of our seamen, by Great Britain, authorized the late war ; 
and we boast of our promptitude to redress their wrongs. 
More than a million of native-born citizens are at this moment 
enduring the galling yoke of slavery. Who cries for jus- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 57 

tice ? None. ' But they are blacks ! ' True, and they are 
also men ; and, moreover, they are Americans by birth. 

If it be said, (which assertion is false,) that the present 
race are beyond recovery ; then I reply, in the language of 
a warm-hearted philanthropist, ' Let us make no more slaves. 
Let us shiver to atoms those galling fetters, under the pres- 
sure of which so many hearts have bursted. Let us not 
shackle the limbs of the future workmanship of God. Let 
us pour into their minds the fertilizing streams of piety and 
knowledge ; imbue their hearts with gratitude for extending 
to them this heaven's best boon ; and suffer their souls to 
walk abroad in their majesty.' 

It may be objected, that the laws of the slave States form 
insurmountable barriers to any interference on our part. 

Answer. I grant that we have not the right, and I trust 
not the disposition, to use coercive measures. But do these 
laws hinder our prayers, or obstruct the flow of our sympa- 
thies.? Cannot our charities alleviate the condition of the 
slave, and perhaps break his fetters ? Can we not operate 
upon public sentiment, (the lever that can move the moral 
world,) by way of remonstrance, advice, or entreaty ? Is 
Christianity so powerful, that she can tame the red men of 
our forests, and abolish the Burman caste, and overthrow the 
gods of Paganism, and liberate lands over which the dark- 
ness of Superstition has lain for ages ; and yet so weak, in 
her own dwelling-place, that she can make no impression 
upon her civil code ? Can she contend successfully with 
cannibals, and yet be conquered by her own children ? 

Suppose that, by a miracle, the slaves should suddenly 
become white. Would you shut your eyes upon their suf- 
ferings, and calmly talk of constitutional limitations? No; 
your voice would peal in the ears of the taskmasters like 
deep thunder ; you would carry the Constitution by force, 
if it could not be taken by treaty ; patriotic assemblies would 



O© SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

congregate at the corner of every street ; the old Cradle of 
Liberty would rock to a deeper tone than ever echoed therein 
at British aggression ; the pulpit vi^ould acquire new and 
unusual eloquence from our holy religion. The argument, 
that these white slaves are degraded, would not then obtain. 
You would say, it is enough that they are white, and in 
bondage, and they ought immediately to be set free. You 
would multiply your schools of instruction, and your temples 
of worship, and rely upon them for security. 

But the plea is prevalent, that any interference by the free 
States, however benevolent or cautious it might be, would 
only irritate and inflame the jealousies of the South, and 
retard the cause of emancipation. 

If any man believes that slavery can be abolished with- 
out a struggle with the worst passions of human nature, 
quietly, harmoniously, he cherishes a delusion. It can 
never be done, unless the age of miracles return. No ; we 
must expect a collision, full of sharp asperities and bitter- 
ness. We shall have to contend with the insolence, and 
pride, and selfishness, of many a heartless being. But these 
can be easily conquered by meekness, and perseverance, 
and prayer. 

It is often despondingly said, that the evil of slavery is 
beyond our control. Dreadful conclusion, that puts the seal 
of death upon our country's existence ! If we cannot con- 
quer the monster in his infancy, while his cartilages are ten- 
der and his limbs powerless, how shall we escape his wrath 
when he goes forth a gigantic cannibal, seeking whom he 
may devour ? If we cannot safely unloose two millions of 
slaves now, how shall we bind upwards of twenty millions 
at the close of the present century ? But there is no cause 
for despair. We have seen how readily, and with what 
ease, that horrid gorgon. Intemperance, has been checked in 
Let us take courage. Moral influence, when 



WILLIABI LLOYD GARRISON. 59 

in vigorous exercise, is irresistible. It has an immortal 
essence. It can no more be trod out of existence by the 
iron foot of time, or by the ponderous march of iniquity, 
than matter can be annihilated. It may disappear for a 
time ; but it lives in some shape or other, in some place or 
other, and will rise with renovated strength. Let us, then, 
be up and doing. In the simple and stirring language of 
the stout-hearted Lundy, ' all the friends of the cause must 
go to work, keep to work, hold on, and never give up.' 

Years may elapse before the completion of the achieve- 
ment ; generations of blacks may go down to the grave, 
manacled and lacerated, without a hope for their children ; 
the philanthropists, who are now pleading in behalf of the 
oppressed, may not live to witness the dawn which will pre- 
cede the glorious day of universal emancipation ; but the 
work will go on — laborers in the cause will multiply — new 
resources will be discovered — the victory will be obtained, 
worth the desperate struggle of a thousand years. Or, if 
defeat follow, woe to the safety of ^ this people ! The nation 
will be shaken as if by a mighty earthquake. A cry of 
horror, a cry of revenge, will go up to heaven in the dark- 
ness of midnight, and re-echo from every cloud. Blood 
will flow like water — the blood of guilty men, and of inno- 
cent women and children. Then will be heard lamentations 
and weeping, such as will blot out the remembrance of the 
horrors of St. Domingo. The terrible judgments of an 
incensed God will complete the catastrophe of republican 
America. 

And since so much is to be done for our country ; since 
so many prejudices are to be dispelled, obstacles vanquished, 
interests secured, blessings obtained ; since the cause of 
emancipation must progress heavily, and meet with much 
unhallowed opposition, why delay the work ? There must 
be a beginning, and now is a propitious time — perhaps the 



60 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

last opportunity that will be granted us by a long-suffering 
God. No temporising, lukewarm measures will avail aught. 
We must put our shoulder to the wheel, and heave with 

- our united strength. Let us not look coldly on, and see 
our southern brethren contending single-handed against an 
all-powerful foe — faint, weaiy, borne down to the earth. 

/ We are all alike guilty. Slavery is strictly a national sin. 
New-England money has been expended in buying human 
flesh ; New-England ships have been freighted with sable 
victims ; New-England men have assisted in forging the fet- 

•' ters of those who groan in bondage. 

I call upon the ambassadors of Christ every where to 
make known this proclamation : ' Thus saith the Lord God 
of the Africans, Let this people go, that they may serve 
me.' I ask them to ' proclaim liberty to the captives, and 
the opening of the prison to them that are bound ' — to light 
up a flame of philanthropy, that shall burn till all Africa be 
redeemed from the night of moral death, and the song of 
deliverance be heard throughout her borders. 

I call upon the churches of the living God to lead in this 
great enterprise. If the soul be immortal, priceless, save 
it from redeemless woe. Let them combine their energies, 
and systematize their plans, for the rescue of suffering 
humanity. Let them pour out their supplications to heaven 
in behalf of the slave. Prayer is omnipotent : its breath can 
melt adamantine rocks — its touch can break the stoutest 
chains. Let anti-slavery charity-boxes stand uppermost 
among those for missionary, tract and educational purposes. 
On this subject. Christians have been asleep ; let them shake 
off their slumbers, and arm for the holy contest. 

I call upon our New-England women to form charitable 
associations to relieve the degraded of their sex. As yet, 
an appeal to their sympathies was never made in vain. 
They outstrip us in every benevolent race. Females are 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 61 

doing much for the cause at the South ; let their example be 
imitated, and their exertions surpassed, at the North. 

I call upon the great body of newspaper editors to keep 
this subject constantly before their readers ; to sound the 
trumpet of alarm, and to plead eloquently for the rights of 
man. They must give the tone to public sentiment. One 
press may ignite twenty; a city may warm a State ; a State 
may impart a generous heat to a whole country. 

I call upon the American people to enfranchise a spot, 
over which they hold complete sovereignty ; to cleanse that 
worse than Augean stable, the District of Columbia, from its 
foul impurities. I conjure them to select those as Represen- 
tatives, who are not too ignorant to know, too blind to see, 
nor too timid to perform their duty. 

I will say, finally, that I tremble for the republic while 
slavery exists therein. If I look up to God for success, no 
smile of mercy or forgiveness dispels the gloom of futurity ; 
if to our resources, they are daily diminishing ; if to all his* 
tory, our destruction is not only possible, but almost certain. 
Why should we slumber at this momentous crisis ? If our 
hearts were dead to every throb of humanity ; if it were 
lawful to oppress, where power is ample ; still, if we had any 
regard for our safety and happiness, we should strive to crush 
the Vampyre which is feeding upon our life-blood. All the 
selfishness of our nature cries aloud for a better security. 
Our own vices are too strong for us, and keep us in per- 
petual alarm ; how, in addhion to these, shall we be able to 
contend successfully with millions of armed and desperate 
men, as we must eventually, if slavery do not cease ?* 



* Extracted from an Address, delivered in Park Street Church, 
Boston, July 4th, 1829. 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



CnmmnitnnBtrt nf tljB lihratnr. 

In the month of August, I issued proposals for pubhshing 
' The Liberator ' in Washington city ; but the enterprise, 
though hailed approvingly in different sections of the country, 
was palsied by public indifference. Since that time, the 
removal of the ' Genius of Universal Emancipation ' to the 
Seat of Government has rendered less imperious the estab- 
lishment of a similar periodical in that quarter. 

During my recent tour for the purpose of exciting the 
minds of the people by a series of discourses on the subject 
of slavery, every place that I visited gave fresh evidence of 
the fact, that a greater revolution in public sentiment was to 
be effected in the free States — and particularly in New 
England — than at the South. I found contempt more bitter, 
opposition more active, detraction more relentless, prejudice 
more stubborn, and apathy more frozen, than among slave 
owners themselves. Of course, there were individual excep- 
tions to the contrary. This state of things afflicted, but did 
not dishearten me. I determined, at every hazard, to lift up 
the standard of emancipation in the eyes of the nation, 
within sight of Bunker Hill, and in the birth-place of liberty. 
That standard is now unfurled ; and long may it float, unhurt 
by the spoliations of time or the missiles of a desperate foe ; 
yea, till every chain be broken, and every bondman set free ! 
Let Southern oppressors tremble ; let their secret abettors 
tremble ; let their Northern apologists tremble ; let all the 
enemies of the persecuted blacks tremble. 

Assenting to the ' self-evident truths ' maintained in the 
American Declaration of Independence, ' that all men are 
created equal, and endowed by their Creator with certain 
inalienable rights — among which are life, liberty, and the 
pursuit of happiness,' I shall strenuously contend for the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 63 

immediate enfranchisement of our slave population. In 
Park Street Church, on the Fourth of July, 1829, in an 
address on slavery, I unreflectingly assented to the popular 
but pernicious doctrine of gradual abolition. I seize this 
opportunity to make a full and unequivocal recantation, and 
thus publicly to ask pardon of my God, of my country, and 
of my brethren, the poor slaves, for having uttered a senti- 
ment so full of timidity, injustice and absurdity. A similar 
recantation, from my pen, was published in the ' Genius of 
Universal Emancipation,' at Baltimore, in September, 1829. 
My conscience is now satisfied. 

I am aware, that many object to the severity of my lan- 
guage ; but is there not cause for severity ? I will be as 
harsh as truth, and as uncompromising as justice. On this 
subject, I do not wish to think, or speak, or write, with mod- 
eration. No ! no ! Tell a man, whose house is on fire, to 
give a moderate alarm ; tell him to moderately rescue his 
wife from the hands of the ravisher ; tell the mother to grad- 
ually extricate her babe from the fire into which it has fallen ; 
but urge me not to use moderation in a cause like the pres- 
ent ! I am in earnest. I will not equivocate — I will not 
excuse — 1 will not retreat a single inch — and I will be 
HEARD. The apathy of the people is enough to make every 
statue leap from its pedestal, and to hasten the resurrection 
of the dead. 

It is pretended, that I am retarding the cause of emanci- 
pation by the coarseness of my invective, and the precipi- 
tancy of my measures. The charge is not true. On this 
question, my influence, humble as it is, is felt at this moment 
to a considerable extent, and shall be felt in coming years — 
not perniciously, but beneficially — not as a curse, but as a 
blessing ; and posterity will bear testimony that I was 
RIGHT. I desire to thank God, that he enables me to disre- 
gard ' the fear of man which bringeth a snare,' and to speak 



64 SELECTIONS FKOM THE WRITINGS OF 

his truth in its simplicity and power. And here I close with 
this fresh dedication : — 

• Oppression ! I have seen thee, face to face, 

And met thy cruel eye and cloudy brow ; 

But thy soul-withering glance I fear not now — 

For dread to prouder feelings doth give place, 

Of deep abhorrence ! Scorning the disgrace 

Of slavish knees that at thy footstool bow, 

I also kneel — but with far other vow 

Do hail thee and thy herd of hirelings base : — 

I swear, while life-blood warms my throbbing veins, 

Still to oppose and thwart, with heart and hand. 

Thy brutalizing sway — till Afric's chains 

Are burst, and Freedom rules the rescued land, 

Trampling Oppression and his iron rod : — 

Such is the vow I take — so help me, God I ' 

Boston, January 1, 1831. 



Jlninrrsul fmaEriptinH, 

Though distant be the hour, yet come it must — 

Oh I hasten it, in mercy, righteous Heaven ! 
When Afric's sons, uprising from the dust, 

Shall stand erect — their galling fetters riven ; 

"When from his throne Oppression shall be driven, 
An exiled monster, powerless through all time ; 

^\'hen freedom — glorious freedom, shall be given 
To every race, complexion, caste, and clime, 
And Nature's sable hue shall cease to be a crime ! 

Wo if it come with storm, and blood, and fire, 
"When midnight darkness veils the earth and sky ! 

"Wo to the innocent babe — the guilty sire — 
Mother and daughter — friends of kindred tie ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 65 

Stranger and citizen alike shall die ! 
Eed-handed Slaughter his revenge shall feed, 

And Havoc yell his ominous death-cry, 
And wild Despair in vain for mercy plead — 
While Hell itself shall shrink, and sicken at the deed ! 

Thou who avengest blood ! long-suffering Lord ! 

My guilty country from destruction save I 
Let Justice sheath her sharp and terrible sword. 

And Mercy rescue, e'en as from the grave ! 

Oh ! for the sake of those who firmly brave 
The lust of Power — the tyranny of Law — 

To bring redemption to the fettered slave — 
Fearless, though few — Thy presence ne'er withdraw. 
But quench the kindling flames of hot, rebellious war ! 

And ye — sad victims of base Avarice ! 

Hunted like beasts, and trodden like the earth ; 
Bought and sold daily, at a paltry price — 

The scorn of tyrants, and of fools the mirth — 

Your souls debased from their immortal birth. — 
Bear meekly — as ye 've borne — your cruel woes ; 

Ease follows pain — light, darkness — plenty, dearth : — 
So time shall give you freedom and repose, 
And high exalt your heads above your bitter foes ! 

Not by the sword shall your deliverance be ; 

Not by the shedding of your masters' blood ; 
Not by rebellion — or foul treachery, 

Upspringing suddenly, like swelling flood : 

Revenge and rapine ne'er did bring forth good. 
God's time is best ! — nor will it long delay : 

Even now your barren cause begins to bud, 
And glorious shall the fruit be ! — Watch and pray, 
For, lo ! the kindling dawn, that ushers in the day I 



6* 



i66 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

SnUratinii nf IntimBEts 

OF THE AMERICAN ANTI-SLAVERY CONVENTION. 

The Convention assembled in the city of Philadelphia, to 
organize a National Anti-Slavery Society, promptly seize the 
opportunity to promulgate the following Declaration of Sen- 
timents, as cherished by them in relation to the enslavement 
of one-sixth portion of the American people. 

More than fifty-seven years have elapsed, since a band of 
patriots convened in this place, to devise measures for the 
deliverance of this country from a foreign yoke. The cor- 
ner-stone upon which they founded the Temple of Freedom 
was broadly this — 'that all men are created equal; that 
they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable 
rights ; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness.' At the sound of their trumpet-call, three millions 
of people rose up as from the sleep of death, and rushed to 
the strife of blood ; deeming it more glorious to die instantly 
as freemen, than desirable to live one hour as slaves. They 
were few in number — poor in resources ; but the honest 
conviction that Truth, Justice and Right were on their side, 
made them invincible. 

We have met together for the achievement of an enter- 
prise, without which that of our fathers is incomplete ; and 
which, for its magnitude, solemnity, and probable results 
upon the destiny of the world, as far transcends theirs as 
moral truth does physical force. 

In purity of motive, in earnestness of zeal, in decision of 
purpose, in intrepidity of action, in steadfastness of faith, in 
sincerity of spirit, we would not be inferior to them. 

Their principles led them to wage war against their oppres- 
sors, and to spill human blood like water, in order to be free. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 67 

Ours forbid the doing of evil that good may come, and lead 
us to reject, and to entreat the oppressed to reject, the use of 
all carnal weapons for deliverance from bondage ; relying 
solely upon those which are spiritual, and mighty through 
God to the pulling down of strong holds. 

Their measures were physical resistance — the marshalling 
in arms — the hostile array — the mortal encounter. Ours 
shall be such only as the opposition of moral purity to moral 
corruption — the destruction of error by the potency of truth 
— the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love — and 
the abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance. 

Their grievances, great as they were, were trifling in com- 
parison whh the wrongs and sufferings of those for whom we 
plead. Our fathers were never slaves — never bought and 
sold like cattle — never shut out from the light of knowl- 
edge and religion — never subjected to the lash of brutal 
taskmasters. 

But those, for whose emancipation we are striving — con- 
stituting at the present time at least one-sixth part of our 
countrymen — are recognized by law, and treated by their 
fellow-beings, as marketable commodities, as goods and chat- 
tels, as brute beasts ; are plundered daily of the fruits of 
their toil without redress ; really enjoy no constitutional nor 
legal protection from licentious and murderous outrages upon 
their persons; and are ruthlessly torn asunder — the tender 
babe from the arms of its frantic mother — the heart-broken 
wife from her weeping husband — at the caprice or pleasure 
of irresponsible tyrants. For the crime of having a dark 
complexion, they suffer the pangs of hunger, the infliction 
of stripes, the ignominy of brutal servitude. They arc 
kept in heathenish darkness by laws expressly enacted to 
make their instruction a criminal offence. 

These are the prominent circumstances in the condition 
of more than two millions of our people, the proof of which 



68 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

may be found in thousands of indisputable facts, and in the 
laws of the slaveholding States. 

Hence we maintain — that, in view of the civil and reli- 
gious privileges of this nation, the guilt of its oppression 
is unequalled by any other on the face of the earth ; and, 
therefore, that it is bound to repent instantly, to undo the 
heavy burdens, and to let the oppressed go free. 

We further maintain — that no man has a right to enslave 
or imbrute his brother — to hold or acknowledge him, for one 
moment, as a piece of merchandize — to keep back his hire 
by fraud — or to brutalize his mind, by denying him the 
means of intellectual, social and moral improvement. 

The right to enjoy liberty is inalienable. To invade it is 
to usurp the prerogative of Jehovah. Every man has a 
right to his own body — to the products of his own labor — to 
the protection of law — and to the common advantages of 
society. It is piracy to buy or steal a native African, and 
subject him to servitude. Surely, the sin is as great to enslave 
an American as an African. 
y Therefore we believe and affirm — that there is no differ- 
ence, in principle, between the African slave trade and Amer- 
ican slavery : 

That every American citizen, who detains a human being 
in involuntary bondage as his property, is, according to Scrip- 
ture, (Ex. xxi. 16,) a man-stealer : 

That the slaves ought instantly to be set free, and brought 
under the protection of law : 

That if they had lived from the time of Pharaoh down to 
the present period, and had been entailed through successive 
generations, their right to be free could never have been 
alienated, but their claims would have constantly risen in 
solemnity : 

That all those laws which are now in force, admitting the 
right of slavery, are therefore, before God, utterly null and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 69 

void ; being an audacious usurpation of the Divine preroga- 
tive, a daring infringement on the law of nature, a base over- 
throw of the very foundations of the social compact, a 
complete extinction of all the relations, endearments and 
obligations of mankind, and a presumptuous transgression of 
all the holy commandments ; and that therefore they ought 
instantly to be abrogated. 

We further believe and affirm — that all persons of color, 
who possess the qualifications which are demanded of others, 
ought to be admitted forthwith to the enjoyment of the same 
privileges, and the exercise of the same prerogatives, as 
others ; and that the paths of preferment, of wealth, and of 
intelligence, should be opened as widely to them as to per- 
sons of a white complexion. 

We maintain that no compensation should be given to the 
planters emancipating their slaves : 

Because it would be a surrender of the great fundamental 
principle, that man cannot hold property in man : 

Because slavery is a crime, and therefore is not an article 
to be sold : 

Because the holders of slaves are not the just proprietors 
of what they claim ; freeing the slave is not depriving them 
of property, but restoring it to its rightful owner ; it is not 
wronging the master, but righting the slave — restoring him 
to himself: 

Because immediate and general emancipation would only 
destroy nominal, not real property ; it would not amputate a 
limb or break a bone of the slaves, but by infusing motives 
into their breasts, would make them doubly valuable to the 
masters as free laborers ; and 

Because, if compensation is to be given at all, it should be 
given to the outraged and guiltless slaves, and not to those 
who have plundered and abused them. 

We regard as delusive, cruel and dangerous, any scheme 
of expatriation which pretends to aid, cither directly or indi- 



70 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

rectly, in the emancipation of the slaves, or to be a substitute 
for the immediate and total abolition of slavery. 

We fully and unanimously recognise the sovereignty of 
each State, to legislate exclusively on the subject of the 
slavery which is tolerated whhin its limits ; we concede that 
Congress, under the present national compact, has no right 
to interfere with any of the slave States, in relation to this 
momentous subject : 

But we maintain that Congress has a right, and is solemnly 
bound, to suppress the domestic slave trade between the sev- 
eral States, and to abolish slavery in those portions of our 
territory which the Constitution has placed under its exclu- 
sive jurisdiction. 

We also maintain that there are, at the present time, the 
highest obligations resting upon the people of the free States 
to remove slavery by moral and political action, as prescrib- 
ed in the Constitution of the United States. They are now 
living under a pledge of their tremendous physical force, to 
fasten the galling fetters of tyranny upon the limbs of mil- 
lions in the Southern States ; they are liable to be called at 
any moment to suppress a general insurrection of the slaves ; 
they authorize the slave owner to vote for three-fifths of his 
slaves as property, and thus enable him to perpetuate his 
oppression ; they support a standing army at the South for its 
protection ; and they seize the slave, who has escaped into 
their territories, and send him back to be tortured by an 
enraged master or a brutal driver. This relation to slavery 
is criminal, and full of danger : it must be broken up. 

These are our views and principles — these our designs 
and measures. With entire confidence in the overruling jus- 
tice of God, we plant ourselves upon the Declaration of our 
Independence and the truths of Divine Revelation, as upon 
the Everlasting Rock. 

We shall organize Anti-Slavery Societies, if possible, in 
every city, town and village in our land. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 71 

We shall send forth agents to lift up the voice of remon- 
strance, of warning, of entreaty, and of rebuke. 

We shall circulate, unsparingly and extensively, anti- 
slavery tracts and periodicals. 

We shall enlist the pulpit and the press in the cause of 
the suffering and the dumb. 

We shall aim at a purification of the churches from all 
participation in the guilt of slavery. 

We shall encourage the labor of freemen rather than that 
of slaves, by giving a preference to their productions : and 

We shall spare no exertions nor means to bring the whole 
nation to speedy repentance. 

Our trust for victory is solely in God. We may be per- 
sonally defeated, but our principles never! Truth, Justice, 
Reason, Humanity, must and will gloriously triumph. Al- 
ready a host is coming up to the help of the Lord against 
the mighty, and the prospect before us is full of encourage- 
ment. 

Submitting this Declaration to the candid examination of 
the people of this country, and of the friends of liberty 
throughout the world, we hereby affix our signatures to it ; 
pledging ourselves that, under the guidance and by the help 
of Almighty God, we will do all that in us lies, consistently 
with this Declaration of our principles, to overthrow the 
most execrable system of slavery that has ever been witness- 
ed upon earth ; to deliver our land from its deadliest curse ; 
to wipe out the foulest stain which rests upon our national 
escutcheon ; and to secure to the colored population of the 
United States, all the rights and privileges which belong to 
them as men, and as Americans — come what may to our 
persons, our interests, or our reputation — whether we live 
to witness the triumph of Liberty, Justice and Humanity, 
or perish untimely as martyrs in this great, benevolent, and 
holy cause. 

Done at Philadelphia, December 6th, A. D. 1833. 



72 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



BnUmtinn nf iHtimieKtB 

ADOPTED BY THE PEACE CONVENTION, HELD IN BOSTON, 
SEPTEMBER 18, 19 AND 20, 1838. 

Assembled in Convention, from various sections of the 
American Union, for the promotion of peace on earth and 
good will among men, we, the undersigned, regard it as due 
to ourselves, to the cause which we love, to the country in 
which we live, and to the world, to publish a Declaration, 
expressive of the principles we cherish, the purposes we 
aim to accomplish, and the measures we shall adopt to carry 
forward the work of peaceful and universal reformation. 

We cannot acknowledge allegiance to any human govern- 
ment ; neither can we oppose any such government, by a 
resort to physical force. We recognize but one King and 
Lawgiver, one Judge and Ruler of mankind. We are bound 
by the laws of a kingdom which is not of this world ; the 
subjects of which are forbidden to fight ; in which Mercy 
and Truth are met together, and Righteousness and Peace 
have kissed each other ; which has no state lines, no national 
partitions, no geographical boundaries ; in which there is no 
distinction of rank, or division of caste, or inequality of sex ; 
the officers of which are Peace, its exactors Righteousness, 
its walls Salvation, and its gates Praise ; and which is destin- 
ed to break in pieces and consume all other kingdoms. 

Our country is the world, our countrymen are all mankind. 
We love the land of our nativity, only as we love all other 
lands. The interests, rights, and liberties of American citi- 
zens are no more dear to us, than are those of the whole 
human race. Hence, we can allow no appeal to patriotism, 
to revenge any national insult or injury. The Prince of 
Peace, under whose stainless banner we rally, came not to 
destroy, but to save, even the worst of enemies. He has 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 73 

left US an example, that we should follow his steps. ' God 
commendeth his love towards us, in that while we were yet 
sinners, Christ died for us.' 

We conceive, that if a nation has no right to defend itself 
against foreign enemies, or to punish its invaders, no individ- 
ual possesses that right in his own case. The unit cannot 
be of greater importance than the aggregate. If one man 
may take life, to obtain or defend his rights, the same license 
must necessarily be granted to communities, states, and 
nations. If he may use a dagger or a pistol, they may 
employ cannon, bomb-shells, land and naval forces. The 
means of self-preservation must be in proportion to the mag- 
nitude of interests at stake, and the number of lives exposed 
to destruction. But if a rapacious and blood-thirsty soldiery, 
thronging these shores from abroad, with intent to commit 
rapine and destroy life, may not be resisted by the people 
or magistracy, then ought no resistance to be offered to 
domestic troublcrs of the public peace, or of private security. 
No obligation can rest upon Americans to regard foreigners 
as more sacred in their persons than themselves, or to give 
them a monopoly of wrong-doing with impunity. 

The dogma, that all the governments of the world are 
approvingly ordained of God, and that the powers that be 
in the United States, in Russia, in Turkey, are in accordance 
with His will, is not less absurd than impious. It makes the 
impartial Author of human freedom and equality, unequal 
and tyrannical. It cannot be affirmed, that the powers that 
be, in any nation, arc actuated by the spirit, or guided by 
the example of Christ, in the treatment of enemies : there- 
fore, they cannot be agreeable to the will of God : and, 
therefore, their overthrow, by a spiritual regeneration of 
their subjects, is inevitable. 

We register our testimony, not only against all wars, 
whether offensive or defensive, but all preparations for war ; 
7 



'9'4 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

against every naval ship, every arsenal, every fortification ; 
against the militia system and a standing army ; against 
all military chieftains and soldiers ; against all monuments 
commemorative of victory over a foreign foe, all trophies 
won in battle, all celebrations in honor of military or naval 
exploits ; against all appropriations for the defence of a 
nation by force and arms on the part of any legislative body ; 
against every edict of government, requiring of its subjects 
military service. Hence, we deem it unlawful to bear arms, 
or to hold a military office. 

As every human government is upheld by physical strength, 
and its laws are enforced virtually at the point of the bayonet, 
we cannot hold any office which imposes upon its incumbent 
the obligation to do right, on pain of imprisonment or death. 
We therefore voluntarily exclude ourselves from every legis- 
lative and judicial body, and repudiate all human politics, 
worldly honors, and stations of authority. If we cannot 
occupy a seat in the legislature, or on the bench, neither 
can we elect others to act as our substitutes in any such 
capacity. 

It follows, that we cannot sue any man at law, to compel 
him by force to restore any thing which he may have wrong- 
fully taken from us or others ; but, if he has seized our coat, 
we shall surrender up our cloak, rather than subject him to 
punishment. 

We believe that the penal code of the old covenant. An 
eye for an eye, and a tooth for a^ tooth, has been abrogated 
by Jesus Christ ; and that, under the new covenant, the for- 
giveness, instead of the punishment of enemies, has been 
enjoined upon all his disciples, in all cases whatsoever. To 
extort money from enemies, or set them upon a pillory, or 
cast them into prison, or hang them upon a gallows, is obvi- 
ously not to forgive, but to take retribution. ' Vengeance is 
mine — I will repay, saith the Lord.' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 75 

The history of mankind is crowded with evidences, prov- 
ing that physical coercion is not adapted to moral regenera- 
tion ; that the sinful disposition of man can be subdued only 
by love ; that evil can be exterminated from the earth only 
by goodness ; that it is not safe to rely upon an arm of flesh, 
upon man, whose breath is in his nostrils, to preserve us from 
harm ; that there is great security in being gentle, harmless, 
long-suffering, and abundant in mercy ; that it is only the 
meek who shall inherit the earth, for the violent, who resort 
to the sword, shall perish with the sword. Hence, as a 
measure of sound policy, of safety to property, life, and 
liberty, of public quietude and private enjoyment, as well as 
on the ground of allegiance to Him who is King of kings, 
and Lord of lords, we cordially adopt the non-resistance 
principle ; being confident that it provides for all possible 
consequences, will ensure all things needful to us, is armed 
with omnipotent power, and must ultimately triumph over 
every assailing force. 

We advocate no Jacobinical doctrines. The spirit of jaco- 
binism is the spirit of retaliation, violence and murder. It 
neither fears God, nor regards man. We would be filled 
with the spirit of Christ. If we abide by our principles, it 
is impossible for us to be disorderly, or plot treason, or par- 
ticipate in any evil work : we shall submit to every ordinance 
of man, for the Lord's sake ; obey all the requirements of 
government, except such as we deem contrary to the com- 
mands of the gospel ; and in no wise resist the operation of 
law, except by meekly submitting to the penalty of disobe- 
dience. 

But, while we shall adhere to the doctrines of non-resist- 
ance and passive submission to enemies, we purpose, in a 
moral and spiritual sense, to speak and act boldly in the 
cause of God ; to assail iniquity in high j)laccs and in low 
places; to apply our principles to all existing civil, j)olitica!, 



76 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

legal, and ecclesiastical institutions; and to hasten the time, 
when the kingdoms of this world shall become the king- 
doms of our Lord and of his Christ, and he shall reign 
for ever. 

It appears to us a self-evident truth, that, whatever the 
gospel is designed to destroy at any period of the world, 
being contrary to it, ought now to be abandoned. If, then, 
the time is predicted, when swords shall be beaten into 
•plough-shares, and spears into pruning-hooks, and men shall 
inot learn the art of war any more, it follows that all who 
manufacture, sell, or wield those deadly weapons, do thus 
array themselves against the peaceful dominion of the Son 
of God on earth. 

Having thus briefly, but frankly, stated our principles and 
purposes, we proceed to specify the measures we propose to 
adopt, in carrying our object into effect. 

We expect to prevail through the foolishness of preach- 
ing — striving to commend ourselves unto every man's con- 
science, in the sight of God. From the press, we shall 
promulgate our sentiments as widely as practicable. We 
shall endeavor to secure the co-operation of all persons, of 
whatever name or sect. The triumphant progress of the 
cause of Temperance and of Abolition in our land, through 
the instrumentality of benevolent and voluntary associations, 
encourages us to combine our own means and efforts for the 
promotion of a still greater cause. Hence we shall employ 
lecturers, circulate tracts and publications, form societies, 
and petition our state and national governments in relation 
to the subject of Universal Peace. It will be our leading ob- 
ject to devise ways and means for effecting a radical change 
in the views, feelings and practices of society respecting 
the sinfulness of war, and the treatment of enemies. 

In entering upon the great work before us, we are not 
unmindful that, in its prosecution, we may be called to test 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 77 

our sincerity, even as in a fiery ordeal. It may subject us 
to insult, outrage, suffering, yea, even death itself. We 
anticipate no small amount of misconception, misrepresen- 
tation, calumny. Tumults may arise against us. The 
ungodly and violent, the proud and pharisaical, the ambitious 
and tyrannical, principalities and powers, and spiritual wick- 
edness in high places, may combine to crush us. So they 
treated the Messiah, whose example we arc humbly striving 
to imitate. If we suffer with him, we know that we shall 
reign with him. We shall not be afraid of their terror, 
neither be troubled. Our confidence is in the Lord Almighty, 
not in man. Having withdrawn from human protection, 
what can sustain us but that faith which overcomes the world ? 
We shall not think it strange concerning the fiery trial which 
is to try us, as though some strange thing had happened unto 
us ; but rejoice, inasmuch as we are partakers of Christ's 
sufferings. Wherefore, we commit the keeping of our 
souls to God, in well-doing, as unto a faithful Creator. ' For 
every one that forsakes houses, or brethren, or sisters, or 
father, or mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for Christ's 
sake, shall receive an hundred fold, and shall inherit ever- 
lasting life.' 

Firmly relying upon the certain and universal triumph of 
the sentiments contained in this Declaration, however for- 
midable may be the opposition arrayed against them, in 
solemn testimony of our fahh in their divine origin, we 
hereby affix our signatures to it ; commending it to the reason 
and conscience of mankind, giving ourselves no anxiety as 
to what may befall us, and resolving, in the strength of the 
Lord God, calmly and meekly to abide the issue. 
7* 



78 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



3[^iitrinfem ml (Cjiristiiinitti—lDSMtli ml 3m3. 

Since the disastrous termination of the struggle for liberty 
and independence on the part of the Italian people, all eyes 
are fastened upon Hungary, bravely coping with the colossal 
powers of Austria and Russia, and as yet undismayed and 
unconquered. Her final triumph, in the present sanguinary 
conflict, is possible, but not at all probable. In the course 
of another month, authentic intelligence will doubtless be 
received, that, like Rome, she no longer contends with her 
oppressors, but submits to wear the yoke and drag the chain 
of a degrading servitude. 

A great national emergency usually lifts from obscurity 
to eminence, men of extraordinary genius, talent, courage, 
self-sacrifice, patriotism, piety. Hungary has at the head of 
her forces three notable chieftains — Kossuth, Bem, Georgy. 
Of these, Kossuth appears to be the Washington. His pres- 
ence electrifies, his appeals inspire his countrymen, with 
almost magical effect. What he proposes, they ratify — 
what he desires, they execute — where he leads or points 
the way, they ' rush to glory or the grave ' — with a prompt- 
itude, an obedience, a valor, unsurpassed in the history of 
nations. 

As specimens of the power of his genius and the elo- 
quence of his rhetoric, read the proclamations from his pen 
to his countrymen. They are of a peculiar type, and singu- 
larly imbued with a religious sentiment, without the appear- 
ance of eccentricity or cant. ' Our trust is in the God of 
righteousness' — 'We can hope in nothing but a just God 
and our own strength' — ' God has chosen us to redeem the 
people from physical bondage by our victory, as Christ has 
redeemed humanity from spiritual bondage ' — ' God is just ; 
his power is almighty ; he hallows the battle-field for the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 79 

weak, and the strength of the mighty and the wicked is 
broken' — 'God of our fathers, and God of the nations! 
God of the warriors of Arpad ! O Father ! Father of our 
fathers ! Hallow their dust with Thy grace, that the ashes 
of my fallen heroic brethren may rest in peace ! Leave us 
not, great God of battles ! ' Such are the constant declara- 
tions and invocations of Kossuth, designed alike to animate 
the hearts of the Hungarians, and to secure the benediction 
of Heaven. It is impossible to describe their effect on the 
popular mind. 

Kossuth is, unquestionably, a sublime specimen of what 
the world calls ' patriotism.' He is a model ' patriot.' To 
his country, he gives himself unreservedly ; to effect its free- 
dom from the Austrian yoke, he has suffered every thing but 
death, and stands ready to offer up his life at any moment ; 
in its independence will be realized his highest aspirations. 
The press is every where extolling his virtues, and ranking 
him among the foremost heroes of the world. Whether he 
succeed or fail, he has associated his name with that of Tell, 
of Wallace, of Hamden, of Washington ; and his memory 
will be cherished by succeeding generations. 

What then ? Is Kossuth worthy of imitation ? Is his 
example such as should be held up for universal acceptance ? 
Is his spirit truly noble, expansive, sublime ? Is his piety of 
a genuine quality, neither tinctured with fanaticism, nor sul- 
lied by passion ? He calls upon his countrymen to seize the 
axe, the scythe, the sword, the firebrand, every weapon of 
death and destruction within their reach, and wield them 
with exterminating effect against their Austrian and Russian 
invaders. What then ? Is war justifiable ? Is there, can 
there be, such a thing as a justifiable war? Is it true 
that we may do evil, that good may come — that the end 
sanctifies the means — that Hungary is reduced to such an 
extremity, that she is not only innocent, but deserving of 



80 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



praise, in destroying her enemies ? What is war ? Is it 
not the opposite of peace, as slavery is of liberty, as sin is 
of holiness, as Belial is of Christ ? And is slavery some- 
times to be enforced — is sin in cases of emergency to be 
committed — is Belial occasionally to be preferred to Christ, 
as circumstances may require ? These are grave questions, 
and the redemption of the world is dependant on the answers 
that may be given to them. 

What is this Hungarian war in its features and effects ? 
Wherein does it differ from any other war, animated by the 
spirit of hatred and revenge, and prosecuted by a resort to 
murderous weapons? Is not human blood flowing like 
water — are not the wounded, dying and dead, multiplying 
like the withered leaves of autumn at the touch of frost — 
are not homes made desolate, and firesides voiceless, and 
fields barren ? On the score of forbearance, kindness, mag- 
nanimity, wherein do the Hungarians exceed their enemies ? 
They nehher give nor ask for quarter. Their weapons of 
defence are the weapons with which they are assailed — the 
weapons of tyranny in all ages ! 

* Ah ! you overlook the wide difference that exists between 
the conflicting parties ! The object of Hungary is laudable 
and noble — her freedom and independence ! That of Aus- 
tria is tyrannous and diabolical — the subjection of Hungary 
to her iron will ! ' 

No, I do not forget, but admit the fact. It is because I 
remember it, that I groan in spirit to see a good object 
defended by the same weapons and the same measures as 
those which are used to uphold a bad object. The better 
the object, the less need, the less justification there is to 
behave as they do, who have one that is altogether execra- 
ble. Eye for eye, tooth for tooth, life for life, is not the way 
to redeem or bless our race. Sword against sword, cannon 
against cannon, army against army, is it thus that love and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 81 

good-will are diffused through the world, or that right con- 
quers wrong ? Why not, then, seek by falsehood to coun- 
teract falsehood — by cruelty to terminate cruelty — by sin 
to abolish sin ? Can men gather grapes from thorns, or figs 
from thistles ? 

Hungary has already sustained a frightful loss of life, and 
the dead bodies of her people cover her soil. She is endur- 
ing all the horrors of a merciless war, and how shall these 
be depicted ? And what if she fail in this unequal strife > 
Kossuth tells his countrymen, that, in case of defeat, they 
must fall a prey to famine — for their ruthless invaders, as 
they stalk murderously onward, leave slaughter, flame, mis- 
ery and famine in their track, and wherever they appear, 
ploughing and sowing are useless. He warns them that, if 
they allow themselves to be conquered, they must be pre- 
pared to experience all imaginable tribulation. Already, 
' the enemy has ravaged everything with fire and sword. 
How many cities and villages has not his flaming torch laid 
in ashes ! ' 

This is the Hungarian view of this dreadful conflict. But 
the Austrian is scarcely less appalling. The sufferings of 
the allied invaders have been indescribably severe, and their 
losses at least as great as those whom they are endeavoring 
to subjugate. It is our duty to remember the fate of all who 
are involved in this war, whether they are on the right or on 
the wrong side ; for they are all brothers by creation, mem- 
bers of the same great human family, and under the most 
sacred obligations to love and do good to each other. Our 
computation must include all the suffering and evil that arc 
the legitimate consequences of the war, on both sides, or we 
shall fail to see it as it is. 

The piety of Kossuth is of that kind which is calculated 
to impress the superstitious, to satisfy the patriotic, to stimu- 
late the revengful, to mislead the unreflecting. In the i)rim- 



82 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

itive meaning of the language, it has ' the form of godh'ness, 
but without the power thereof.' It assumes that God is on 
the side of the oppressed : that is true. It assumes that he 
is pleased to see them engaged in deadly strife with their 
oppressors, and that he is the ' God of battles,' strengthening 
the arm of the physically weak to contend successfully in 
the cause of freedom against the tyrannically strong : and 
here is the delusion. It cannot be true, as a moral proposi- 
tion, that if it is wrong to inflict injuries, it is right to retali- 
ate when they are inflicted. It cannot be true, that He who 
' causes his sun to shine on the evil and on the good, and 
his rain to fall on the just and on the unjust,' sanctions a 
bloody revenge. 

What shall we say of the spirit of the Hungarian patriot ? 
He invokes his countrymen to 'arm with axe or scythe, 
with clubs, with stones' — 'rise in the rear, and cut down 
the Cossacks ' — ' give the enemy no rest at night, fall upon 
him suddenly, and hide every kind of provisions, that he 
may perish with hunger' — 'burn the houses about their 
heads, so that the savage hordes may become a prey to the 
flames' — &c. &c. 

Merciful God ! is this in accordance with thy will ? And 
shall he, who thus counsels the most atrocious acts, dare to 
ofl?er up a prayer to Thee for succor and benediction ^ 
Alas ! he knows not what spirit he is of. 

Yet here we have as lofty and magnanimous a specimen 
of worldly ' patriotism ' as the age produces ! 

Let us be just. Let us detract nothing from the real 
merits of Kossuth. He abhors tyranny ; he has passed six 
years of his life (almost at the sacrifice of it) in a loath- 
some Austrian dungeon, for his love of liberty; he is no 
demagogue, no selfish adventurer, but earnest in purpose, 
and self-sacrificing in action ; he goes for Hungarian liberty 
as Washington went for American independence. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 83 

Still, he is implacable, unmerciful, towards the enemies 
of his country, even to consuming them alive with fire ! 

The name of Kossuth ' rings from shore to shore.' Who 
among his admirers and eulogists thinks of taking any ex- 
ception to his course ? 

Yet what is the scope of his vision ? He is a Hungarian, 
as Washington was an American. His country is bounded 
by a few degrees of latitude and longitude, and covers a 
surface of some thousands of square miles. He is strictly 
local, territorial, national. The independence of Hungary, 
alone, absorbs his thoughts and inspires his efforts ; and to 
obtain it, he feels justified in disregarding the claims of hu- 
manity, and suspending all the obligations of morality. 

Contrast now with all this, the precepts, the doctrines, 
the example, the spirit, the life, the death, the purposes of 
Jesus ! — Jesus, the wronged, the calumniated, the buffeted, 
the hunted, the crucified ! To the injured, the oppressed, 
the down-trodden, he made no inflammatory appeals, but 
taught forbearance, long-suffering, forgiveness ; yet he also 
taught them to wear no yoke, and to call no man master, 
though a cruel martyrdom should be their lot. He coun- 
selled neither retaliation nor self-defence. He did not say, 
'Arm with axes, scythes and clubs — burn the houses of 
your enemies about their heads' — but soothingly declared, 
' Blessed are the meek ; for they shall inherit the earth ' — 
' Blessed are the merciful ; for they shall obtain mercy ' — 
' Blessed are the peace-makers ; for they shall be called the 
children of God.' And with true nobility of soul, he gave 
these magnanimous injunctions : — 'I say unto you, that ye 
resist not evil ; but whosoever shall smite thee on the right 
cheek, turn to him the other also' — ' I say unto you, love 
your enemies, bless them that curse you, do good to them 
that hate you, and pray for them that despitefully use you 
and persecute you. For if ye love them that love you, 



84 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

what reward have ye ? do not even the publicans so ? ' 
' Therefore, all things whatsoever ye would that men should 
do to you, do ye even so to them.' He also declared, ' All 
they that take the sword shall perish with the sword.' His 
life was in strict harmony with his precepts. He met the 
enmity of his persecutors with a lamb-like spirit ; yet, in 
reproving them for their crimes, he was courageous as a 
lion. ' Wo unto you, scribes and Pharisees, hypocrites ! 
ye serpents, ye generation of vipers, how can ye escape the 
damnation of hell } ' Nothing could intimidate, subdue or 
enslave him. Nailed as a felon to the cross, he supplicated 
for the forgiveness of his enemies with his expiring breath. 

Jesus was neither local nor national in his feelings or 
designs. The land of his birth was in bondage to the Ro- 
man power, but he exhibited no ' patriotic ' indignation, and 
made no appeal to Jewish pride or revenge. Abhorring 
oppression in every shape, his method of meeting it was 
to rebuke it, and to return good for evil. He would destroy 
tyranny, but without injury to the tyrant ; by a moral re- 
generation, not by a physical struggle. His soul was 
expansive as the universe, his love for the human race im- 
partial, his country the world. 

Jesus was ever ready to be slain for his principles, but 
he caused no tears of misery to flow, no blood of enemies 
to be shed, no houses to be fired, no lands to be devastated. 
See the miseries and calamities brought alike upon Hunga- 
rians and Austrians by the terrible appeals of Kossuth ! 
And how many generations must pass away, before the 
fierce enmities thus excited will become extinct ! 

Oh, Kossuth ! not of thy abhorrence of Austrian oppres- 
sion do I complain, but join with thee in execrating it. But 
the lessons of vengeance which thou art teaching thy coun- 
trymen are such as degrade and brutalize humanity. Tell 
the Hungarians, that a bloody warfare to maintain their na- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 85 

tionality is incompatible with moral greatness and Christian 
love, and for an object which is low and selfish. Inflame 
them not to madness by martial appeals, but exhort them to 
beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into 
pruning-hooks ; so, being weaponless, yet possessing a spirit 
determined to be free, they shall present to Austria an un- 
conquerable front, and achieve a bloodless triumph. 

O, Jesus ! noblest of patriots ! greatest of heroes ! most 
glorious of all martyrs ! Thine is the spirit of universal 
liberty and love — of uncompromising hostility to every 
form of injustice and wrong. But not with weapons of 
death dost thou assault thy enemies, that they may be van- 
quished or destroyed ; for thou dost not wrestle against flesh 
and blood, but ' against principalities, against powers, against 
the rulers of the darkness of this world, against spiritual 
wickedness in high places' ; therefore hast thou put on the 
whole armor of God, having thy loins girt about with truth, 
and having on the breast-plate of righteousness, and thy feet 
shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, and going 
forth to battle with the shield of faith, the helmet of salva- 
tion, the sword of the Spirit ! Worthy of all imitation art 
thou, in overcoming the evil that is in the world ; for by the 
shedding of thine own blood, but not the blood even of thy 
bitterest foes, shalt thou at last obtain a universal victory. 

♦The Christian's victory alone 

Hostility for ever ends, 
Erects an undisputed throne, 

And turns his foes to friends. 

Ye great ! ye mighty of the earth I 

Ye conquerors ! learn this secret true — 
A secret of celestial birth — 
By suffering to subdue ! 
8 



86 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Nor is the victory lost, -when those 

Whom Love assails disdain to yield ; 
A host of spiritual foes 

Lie vanquished on the field. 

All outward storms will rage in vain, 

If peace and love within abide ; 
The soul each onset will sustain, 
A rock amidst the tide.' 



An esteemed correspondent expresses a doubt as to the 
practical working of non-resistance, as applied to the case 
of Austrian despotism, for example. But is that despotism 
the result of an adoption, or of a rejection of the principle 
of non-resistance ? Clearly the latter. Is the principle, 
then, to be discarded, in order to put down that which it 
radically condemns and utterly repudiates ? Is this philo- 
sophical ? Can Beelzebub cast out Beelzebub ? Is evil to 
be overcome with evil ? True, the cause of justice and 
liberty must eventually triumph, whether by or without a 
resort to murderous weapons ; but it will not be because of 
those weapons, but because of its inherent goodness, and 
the transitory nature of tyranny. There will be no real 
freedom or security among mankind, until they beat their 
swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning- 
hooks, and learn war no more. We grant that every suc- 
cessful struggle for freedom on the part of the oppressed, 
even with the aid of cannon and bomb-shells, is to be 
hailed with rejoicing ; but simply in reference to its object, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 87 

and not to the mode of its accomplishment. That a people 
sufficiently enlightened to be conscious of their degradation, 
yet far from being morally and spiritually regenerated, 
should take up arms against their merciless oppressors, is 
not surprising — nay, it is inevitable, in their condition ; but 
this is no real justification of revenge or murder on their 
part. If they were truly pure and good, theirs would be 
the course of Jesus and his apostles, of prophets and ' the 
noble army of martyrs and confessors,' in maintaining the 
right and in confronting the wrong — a course attended by 
no crime, stained by no blood excepting their own freely 
shed for their enemies, divinely magnanimous, and ' mighty 
through God to the pulling down of strong holds ' — a 
course which wholly eclipses, in power and glory, any ever 
pursued by blood-spilling revolutionists. Our correspondent 
burns with indignation in view of Austrian tyranny ; so do 
we. He rejoices to see its victims rising against it ; so do 
we. He is in doubt whether the principle of non-resist- 
ance, if adopted by them, would procure for them the de- 
liverance they seek ; we are not. A people able to adopt 
that principle in theory and practice, cannot possibly be en- 
slaved, any more than the angels of God ; and no form of 
despotism can make them servile. They do not fear the 
face of the tyrant, and it is their mission to ' beard the lion 
in his den.' They may be burnt to ashes, but they can 
never be conquered. Theirs is the ' unresistible might of 
weakness,' (to borrow the expressive language of Milton,) 
and no weapon used against them shall prosper. But no 
people, constituting a nation, has reached this sublime state 
of moral exaltation ; all are more or less brutal, eager for 
revenge in case of suffering, and incapable of understanding 
how they who take the sword shall perish with the sword. 
This is to be lamented ; but it is history. Surely, it is no 
reason why those who are ' under grace ' should abandon 



88 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

their position, and discard Jesus, the non-resistant, for Moses 
or Joshua, the warrior. 

Our correspondent is greatly in error in speaking of non- 
resistance as a state of ' passivity.' On the contrary, it is a 
state of activity, ever fighting the good fight of faith, ever 
foremost to assail unjust power, ever struggling for ' liberty, 
equality, fraternity,' in no national sense, but in a world- 
wide spirit. It is passive only in this sense, — that it will 
jiot return evil for evil, nor give blow for blow, nor resort to 
.murderous weapons for protection or defence. In its purity, 
it is the blending of the gentleness and innocency of the 
Lamb of God, with the courage and strength of the Lion of 
the tribe of Judah. 



€xnt (CnuragB. 

I BOAST no courage on the battle-field, 

Where hostile troops immix in horrid fray ; 
Per Love or Fame I can no weapon wield, 

With burning lust an enemy to slay : — 
But test my spirit at the blazing stake, 

For advocacy of the Rights of Man, 
And Truth — or on the wheel my body break ; 

Let Persecution place me 'neath its ban ; 
Insult, defame, proscribe my humble name ; 

Yea, put the dagger to my naked breast ; 
If I recoil in terror from the flame, 

Or recreant prove when peril rears its crest. 
To save a limb, or shun the public scorn — 
Then write me down for aye. Weakest of woman born 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 89 

That the history of the human race is one of progression ; 
that conflicting ideas of right and wrong, on many points, 
have prevailed in different ages of the world ; that the light 
and knowledge of one age have been much inferior to those 
of a succeeding age ; all this is beyond controversy. ' To 
whom much is given, of the same much shall be required' — 
and less where less is given. But this does not prove that 
God, in any age, commanded acts to be done which are in 
themselves wrong, as the best method he could adopt to 
educate and discipline any portion of our race for a higher 
destiny. His moral attributes are absolute and immutable ; 
his relations to mankind, and theirs to him and to each other, 
have ever been essentially the same. What is derogatory 
to his character now — what is morally injurious to them — 
must have always been so, whether so regarded or not. 

There are certain moral propositions which need no argu- 
ment or proof. God cannot lie ; he cannot, therefore, 
authorise lying. God cannot steal ; he cannot, therefore, 
enjoin theft as a duty in any case. God cannot commit 
murder ; he cannot, therefore, require any of his children 
to be murderers. God cannot be cruel or vindictive ; he 
cannot, therefore, approve or enjoin acts of cruelty or 
revenge. God cannot enslave ; he cannot, therefore, require 
or sanction slavery, under any circumstances. 

Now, on what are right and wrong dependant ? On 
recorded declarations ? on ancient parchments or modern 
manuscripts ? on sacred books ? No. Though every parch- 
ment, manuscript and book in the world were given to the 
consuming fire, the loss would not in the least affect the 
right or wrong of moral actions. Truth andHluty, the prin- 
ciples of justice and equity, the obligations of mercy and 
brotherly kindness, are older than all books, and more endur- 
8* 



90 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ing than tables of stone. If we find any thing contrary to 
these, in any book or on any tablet, is it not to be repudiated, 
even though it may claim to be divinely commanded ? 

The question at issue is — war, its nature, tendencies, 
results : war, whether in ancient or modern times, whether 
under the Jewish or Christian dispensation: is it right? 
was it ever justifiable ? How shall this question be settled ? 
Not arbitrarily by an appeal to any volume, however sacred- 
ly regarded ; for every volume is of human composition, 
and therefore liable to error. Besides, if war be a malum 
in se, it needs no other evidence than its own intrinsic char- 
acter to procure for it a verdict of condemnation. In short, 
we must judge of the tree by its fruits ; and this we can 
easily do. 

War is as capable of moral analysis as slavery, intemper- 
ance, licentiousness, or idolatry. It is not an abstraction, 
which admits of doubt or uncertainty, but as tangible as 
bombs, cannon, mangled corpses, smouldering ruins, deso- 
lated towns and villages, rivers of blood. It is substantially 
the same in all ages, and cannot change its moral features. 
To trace it in all its ramifications is not a difficult matter. 
In fact, nothing is more terribly distinct than its career ; it 
leaves its impress on every thing it touches, whether physi- 
cal, mental, or moral. Why, then, not look it in the face ? 
Why look any where else ? Is it not in this demonstrative way 
that abolitionists triumphantly meet their opponents on the 
subject of slavery ; that the friends of total abstinence grap- 
ple with the advocates of moderate drinking ; that the oppo- 
nents of the gallows drive from the field the partisans of 
capital punishment.? 

War is the antagonist of Peace, as Slavery is of Liberty, 
as Sin is of Holiness. The mission of Jesus was that of 
Peace. All Christians profess to believe, that when his 
spirit universally prevails, mankind will sit under their own 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 91 

vines and fig trees, with none to molest or make them 
afraid. What is this but to concede that war is opposed to 
his spirit ? Has he come to condemn or extirpate, as 
morally wrong, that which his Heavenly Father expressly 
commanded to be done as a test of religious obedience, and 
to promote true piety among the idolatrous nations of old .? 
To this simple issue, the vindicators of the Jewish wars 
must be kept. They but travel in a circle when they quote 
from this or that portion of the Bible, passages to prove that 
those wars were just and holy. 



"(KtiB ^k\iim tljat to m uhM nf inh/' 

There is something not only extremely unfair, but posi- 
tively slanderous, in the naked charge, so frequently pre- 
ferred against non-resistants, that they ' deny the necessity 
of human governments.' As thus stated, without explana- 
tion or qualification, a person ignorant of their principles 
would be justified in supposing that they advocated the 
profligate doctrines of Jack Cade, were for removing all 
moral and legal restraints upon the people, and were a band 
of Jacobins and anarchists, who took delight in shedding 
innocent blood, crying havoc, and letting slip the dogs of 
war. Every such representation is something more fla- 
grant than a broad caricature ; it is both false and wicked. 
Non-resistants do not deny that some form of government, 
however arbitrary and despotic, is better than a state of anar- 
chy; that a limited monarchy is infinitely to be preferred to 



y 



92 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

an absolute despotism ; and that a republican is far better than 
a monarchical form of government. Just as they concede 
that the cholera is more dreadful than a slow fever, and 
a slow fever more to be deprecated than the ague. 
They also readily admit, that the abrogation of existing 
laws and governmental regulations for the punishment of 
evil-doers would be most calamitous, without a moral and 
spiritual regeneration of the people. But they affirm that, 
under the gospel dispensation, man is no longer empowered 
to take the life of man, or to demand an eye for an eye, or 
a tooth for a tooth. They maintain that, whether many or 
few are willing or able to pardon their enemies, Christ 
requires it of all who would be his disciples ; that the gov- 
ernment is upon his shoulders ; that there is no foundation 
in reason or scripture for incarcerating in prison, or sus- 
pending upon gibbets, domestic foes, and allowing foreign 
invaders to lay waste the land and commit all manner of 
excesses with impunity ; that if it is right to slay one man 
in self-defence, or to save community from destruction, it is 
equally right to slay two, one hundred, any number of men, 
for the same reason — and, therefore, defensive war is justi- 
fiable. They would not only disarm mankind of their 
deadly weapons, but remove from their hearts all incentives 
to do evil, all desire for revenge. In short, they can use no 
other weapons than those which are spiritual, in their con- 
flict with the evil that is in the world, and believe that they 
may safely treat their enemies as Jesus did his. The So- 
ciety of Friends, in approving of governments which are 
upheld by the sword, and the laws of which are written in 
blood, is false to its own principles. It must either recede 
from its present position, or march on to the ground of 
entire non-resistance. Its inconsistency is too glaring to 
escape the observation even of those who make no preten- 
sions to a pacific character. An acute writer in the ' New 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 93 

York Observer,' objecting to the doctrine of Friends, that 
war, under all circumstances, is inconsistent with the pre- 
cepts of the gospel and the spirit of the Christian dispensa- 
tion, says: — 

* Here is the fundamental error of the English Peace Society, 
and also of the American, which expressly adopts the same princi- 
ple as an article of its Constitution. Both Societies deny to a 
nation the right of self-defence ; for they regard all war, defensive as 
well as offensive, as repugnant to the Christian dispensation. They 
would require rulers to surrender their subjects, without resist- 
ance, to every company or horde of evil-doers, coming from abroad 
in the shape of an army ; and thus they would annihilate all gov- 
ernment, which is nothing without the employment of physical 
force for the punishment of evil-doers. 

* In vain do some of the peace men, whose actual principles are 
those of non-resistance, endeavor to escape the reproach of the 
non- resisting doctrines, by distinguishing between the employment 
of force by the magistrates against citizens, and its employment 
against an enemy ; for it is a distinction without a difference. In 
all reason, the magistrate, who bears the sword for the protection of 
the people and the preservation of order, is bound to use it as 
readily against a band of pirates coming in a sliip, or an invad- 
ing army, as against a solitary robber or murderer.' 

Surely, nothing can be more dangerous than the doctrine, 
that the moral obligations of men change with the latitude 
and longitude of a place. Surely, it is a gross paradox 
uttered by the Society of Friends, that if there be domestic 
troublers of the public peace, Christianity requires that they 
should be confined in prison, and deprived in some instances 
of their lives ; but if a band of lawless invaders should 
throng these shores from abroad, for the purpose of ravaging 
the country and reducing the people to slavery, then Chris- 
tianity requires that there should be no physical force 
arrayed against them, and the people are bound to sutler 
unresistingly. Such a doctrine is not less absurd than it is 



94 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

unscriptural, and to state it is to refute it. If Christ has not 
enjoined non-resistance to and forgiveness of all enemies, 
he has to none. Why should the American people love 
foreigners better than themselves ? Why should they allow 
Turks or Russians to inflict all possible injuries upon them 
with impunity, and yet not permit any of their number to 
commit the smallest offence, without subjecting them to 
pains and penalties ? If self-defence be not lawful in a 
national, it is not in an individual capacity ; for the right of 
any one man cannot be more comprehensive than that of 
the whole people. 

The only difference, therefore, between the Society of 
Friends and the Non-Resistance Society, respecting the 
treatment of enemies, is, that the former goes for the par- 
don of those only who come from abroad, and the latter for 
the pardon of all, for Christ's sake, whether they are for- 
eign or domestic. 

As to the governments of this world, all history shows that 
they cannot be maintained, except by naval and military 
power ; that all their mandates being a dead letter without 
such power to enforce them in the last extremity, are virtu- 
ally written in human blood ; hence, that the followers of 
Jesus should instinctively shun their stations of trust, honor 
and authority — at the same time, ' submitting to every 
ordinance of man, for the Lord's sake,' and ofl^ering no physi- 
cal resistance to any of their commands, however unjust or 
tyrannical. The language of Jesus is, ' My kingdom is not 
of this world, else would my servants fight.' Calling his 
disciples to him, he said to them, ' Ye know that they which 
are accounted to rule over the Gentiles, exercise lordship 
over them; and their, great ones exercise authority upon 
them. But so it shall not be among you ; but whosoever 
will be great among you, shall be your minister ; and who- 
soever of you will be the chiefest, shall be servant of all. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 95 

For even the Son of man came not to be ministered unto, 
but to minister, and to give his life a ransom for many.' 

Human governments are to be viewed as judicial punish- 
ments. If a people turn the grace of God into lascivious- 
ness, or make their liberty an occasion for anarchy — or if 
they refuse to belong to the ' one fold and one Shepherd' — 
they shall be scourged by governments of their own choos- . 
ing, and burdened with taxation, and subjected to physical 
control, and torn by factions, and made to eat the fruit of 
their evil doings, until they are prepared to receive the lib- 
erty and the rest which remain, on earth as well as in 
heaven, for the people of God. This is in strict accordance 
with the arrangements of Divine Providence. 

So long as men contemn the perfect government of the 
Most High, and will not fill up the measure of Christ's suf- 
ferings in their own persons, just so long will they desire to 
usurp authority over each other ; just so long will they per- 
tinaciously cling to human governments, fashioned in the 
likeness and administered in the spirit of their own disobe- 
dience. Now, if the prayer of our Lord be not a mockery ; 
if the kingdom of God is to come universally, and his will 
to be done on earth as it is in heaven ; and if, in that king- 
dom, no carnal weapon can be wielded, no life taken, then 
why are not all Christians obligated to come out now, and 
be separate from ' the kingdoms of this world,' which are 
all based upon the principle of violence, and which require 
their officers and servants to govern and be governed by 
that principle ? 

In almost every attempt made to justify the punishment of 
enemies, or uphold human government based upon brute 
force, it is observable that the 13th chapter of Romans is 
regarded as a frowning Gibraltar, inaccessible by sea and 
land, filled with troops and all warlike instruments, and able 
to vanquish every assailing force. This is an evidence of 



96 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

weakness, instead of strength. It shows that the whole 
scope of the gospel is found to be at variance with the dogma 
respecting governments which men entertain ; else, would 
they not freely quote that gospel in support of their views ? 
He who pertinaciously clings to a particular passage of 
scripture to uphold a favorite theory, and is always dwelling 
upon it, and refuses to compare scripture with scripture, so 
that that which is ' hard to be understood,' or is of doubtful 
interpretation, may be clearly apprehended, does virtually 
acknowledge that the mass of evidence is against him. 
Hence it is that so many divisions exist in the nominal 
church, and so many foolish heresies obtain in the world. 
In this manner do the advocates of slavery run to the pas- 
sage, ' And they shall be your bondmen and bond-maids for 
ever,' to justify that atrocious system. So, also, do the lov- 
ers of wine invariably adduce the advice of Paul to Timothy, 
' to take a little wine for the stomach's sake,' as authority to 
prove the unsoundness of the doctrine of total abstinence. 
In like manner have the champions of despotic govern- 
ments, in various ages, urged the 13th chapter of Romans, 
to prove the divine authority of ' the powers that be,' and 
the duty of the people to obey them in all cases. So, too, 
is the same portion of scripture relied upon by those who 
cannot adopt the principles of non-resistance, to sanction the 
infliction of pains and penalties upon enemies. 

The object of the apostle was two-fold in his allusion to 
' the powers that be.' The first was, simply, to recognise 
their existence, as a matter of fact ; and the second was, to 
inculcate upon Christians their obligation to lead quiet and 
peaceable lives, — not to be seditious, ' patriotic,' or revenge- 
ful, however cruel the despot or tyrannical the control. He 
recognised them as ' ministers of God for good,' in a provi- 
dential sense ; just as the Lord makes the wrath of man to 
praise him, and the remainder he restrains. But, ' let the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 97 

dead bury their dead.' If the wicked will not cease from 
their wickedness, for self-preservation they will establish 
governments to ndc over them, with more or less severity, 
according to their deserts. But, to every disciple, the lan- 
guage of Christ is, ' What is that to thee ? Follow thou 
me ! ' Let the potsherds of the earth strive together, if 
they will ; out of their violence good shall be educed ; but 
be thou wise as a serpent, and harmless as a dove. The 
kingdom to which thou be longest is one in which no carnal 
weapons arc allowed to be wielded, no detriment to the 
mind, body or estate of thine enemy is lawful. ' Be thou 
faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life.' 

It is objected, that, in the present state of the world, it 
would not be safe to let transgressors go without punishment. 
They must be punished, in order to arrest the direful pro- 
gress of human guilt and disorder. But it is in the present 
state of the world, that Christ has enjoined the forgiveness 
of enemies. In a different state, there can be no opportu- 
nity for forgiveness ; because all crime will have ceased, 
and there will be none to molest or to make afraid. The 
principles and obligations of Christianity belong not to a 
future age, but are of present and immutable application. 

The existing governments of the world are the conse- 
quence of disobedience to the commands of God. But 
Christ came to bring men back to obedience, by a new and 
living way. When the cause is taken away, must not the 
effect cease ? And in suffering and dying, that the cause 
might be destroyed, has Fie not aimed to destroy the effect ? 
' Governments cannot beallowed, if that which is necessary to 
the existence of government is prohibited.' Prisons, swords, 
muskets and soldiers are necessary to uphold governments 
which punish evil-doers by fines, imprisonment, and death. 
But these are prohibited by Christ ; therefore, govcrnmcnta 
of force are prohibited to his followers. 
9 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Thou, by whom Eternal Life is given, 

Through Jesus Christ, thy -Nvell-beloved Son ; 
As is thy will obeyed by all in heaven. 

So let it now by all on earth be done ! 
Not by th' observance of one day in seven 

As holy time, but of all days as one ; 
The soul set free — all legal fetters riven — 

Vanished the law — the reign of grace begun ! 
Dear is the Christian Sabbath to my heart, 

Bound by no forms — from times and seasons free 
The whole of life absorbing — not a part ; 

Perpetual rest and perfect liberty : — 
Who keeps not this steers by a Jewish chart, 

And sails in peril on a storm-tossed sea ! 



^tnal (!)lIs^nIlut^Df i^t lnttntji. 

The right of every man to worship God according to the 
dictates of his own conscience is inherent, inalienable, self- 
evident. Yet it is notorious, that in all the States, excepting 
Louisiana, there are laws enforcing the religious observance 

of the FIRST DAY OF THE WEEK AS THE SaBBATH, and 

punishing as criminals such as attempt to pursue their usual 
avocations on that day — avocations which even Sabbatari- 
ans recognise as innocent and laudable on all other days. 
It is true, some exceptions are made to the rigorous opera- 
tion of these laws, in favor of the Seventh Day Baptists, 
Jews, and others, who keep the seventh day of the week as 
the Sabbath ; but this freedom is granted in condescension 
to the scruples of a particular sect, as a privilege, and not 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 99 

recognised as a natural right. For those, (and the number 
is large and steadily increasing,) who believe that the Sab- 
bath was exclusively a Jewish institution, — a ' shadow of 
good things to come,' which vanished eighteen hundred 
years ago before the light of the Christian Dispensation, and, 
therefore, that it constitutes no part of Christianity, — there 
is no exemption from the j)enalty of the Imv ; but, should 
they venture to labor even for bread on that day, or be 
guilty of what is called ' Sabbath desecration,' they are "lia- 
ble either to fine or imprisonment ! Cases of this kind have 
occurred in Massachusetts, Vermont, Pennsylvania, and 
Ohio, within a comparatively short period, w^here conscien- 
tious and upright persons have been thrust into prison, for 
an act no more intrinsically heinous than that of gathering 
in a crop of hay, or selling moral or philanthropic publica- 
tions. There is, therefore, no liberty of conscience allowed 
to the people of this country, under the laws thereof in 
regard to the observance of a Sabbath day. 

Now, I enter iny solemn protest against every enactment 
of this kind, as at war with the genius of republicanism, and 
the spirit of Christianity. I believe and affirm — 

That the Sabbath, according to the Jewish Scriptures, was 
given to ' the children of Israel^'' — and to no other peo- 
ple, — as ' a sign'' between them and God, and terminated, 
with all the other Mosaic rituals belonging to the ' ministra- 
tion of deaths written and engraven in stones,' on the 
introduction of ' the ministration of the Spirit,' and the 
substitution of ' a better covexNant, which was established 
upon better promises ' ; — 

That Christianity knows nothing of a holy day, but only 
of a holy life, the possession of a spirit of love which works 
no ill, and is ' the fulfilling of the law ' ; — 

That the worship of God does not pertain to any par- 
ticular day — is not a special, isolated performance — 
and cannot 'come by observation' — but is purely spir- 



100 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

itual in its nature, and comprehended in a cheerful obe- 
dience to the will of the Father, as far as it is made 
known ; — 

That the distinction made between sacred and secular 
acts, by the advocates of Sabbath keeping, — the sacred being 
the strict performance of religious observances, and the secu- 
lar such as undoing heavy burdens, letting the oppressed go 
free, reclaiming the drunkard, laboring in the field or in the 
work-shop, public travelling, transporting the United States 
mail, — is a distinction not based upon reason or Christianity, 
but calculated to lower the tone of individual and public 
morality, and to depress the immutable standard of moral 
obligation ; — 

That the Sabbath, as now recognised and enforced, is one 
of the main pillars of Priestcraft and Superstition, and the 
stronghold of a merely ceremonial religion; — 

That, in the hands of a Sabbatizing clergy, it is a mighty 
obstacle in the way of all the reforms of the age, such as 
Anti-Slavery, Peace, Temperance, Purity, Human Brother- 
hood, &c. &c., and rendered adamantine in its aspect towards 
bleeding Humanity, whose cause must not be pleaded, but 
whose cries must be stifled, on its ' sacred ' recurrence ; — 

That they who are for subjecting to fine or imprisonment, 
such as do not receive their interpretation of the Scriptures, 
in regard to the observance of the first day of the week as 
the Sabbath, are actuated by a mistaken or malevolent 
spirit, which is utterly at variance with the spirit of Christ — 
which, in various ages, has resorted to the dungeon, the 
rack, the gallows and the stake, for the accomplishment of 
its purposes, and which ought to be boldly confronted and 
rebuked ; — 

That the penal enactments of the State Legislature, com- 
pelling the observance of the first day of the week as the 
Sabbath, are despotic, unconstitutional, and ought to be 
immediately abrogated ; and that the interference of the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 101 

State, in matters of religious faith and ceremonies, is a usur- 
pation which cannot be justified ; — 

That, as conflicting views prevail in the community, which 
are cherished with equal sincerity, respecting the holiness of 
days, and as it is the right of every class of citizens to be 
protected in the enjoyment of their religious sentiments on 
this and every other subject pertaining to the worship of 
God, all classes should be united in demanding a repeal of 
the enactments alluded to, on the ground of impartial justice. 
and Christian charity ; — 

That if the Legislature may rightfully determine the day 
on which the people shall abstain from labor for religious 
purposes, it may also determine the place in which they 
shall assemble, the rites and ordinances which they shall 
observe, the doctrines which they shall hear, the teachers 
which they shall have over them, and the peculiar faith 
which they shall embrace ; and thus entirely subvert civil 
and religious freedom, and enable Bigotiy and Superstition, 
as of old, to 

* Go to their bloody rites again — bring back 
The hall of horrors, and th' assessor's pen, 
Recording answers shriek'd upon the rack — 
Smile o'er the gaspings of spine-broken men, 
And perpetrate damnation in their den ! ' 

That, as it has been found safe, politic and beneficial, to 
allow the people to decide for themselves in all other reli- 
gious observances, there is no reason to doubt that the same 
good results would attend their liberation from the bondage 
of a Sabbatical law ; — 

That, under the Christian dispensation, it is a Jewish char- 
acteristic to talk of sacred days, places, rites and ceremo- 
nies ; for these, at their highest value, are only means to an 
end, to bo used, modified or repudiated, according to cir- 
9* 



102 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

cumstances — and that end is, the benefit of man: hence, 
man is the only object that should be regarded as sacred on 
earth ; — 

That as it is a sound rule of law, which excludes the tes- 
timony of one who is directly and strongly interested in a 
case on trial ; so it is equally just, when a Sabbatical institu- 
tion is before the Court of Reason for adjudication, to rule 
out the declarations of a body of men in regard to it, who, 
filling clerical and priestly ofiices, depend on its alleged 
sanctity and rigid observance for their employment, remu- 
neration, influence and power ; — 

That the attempt to frighten the ignorant and unenlight- 
ened into a belief, that God frequently suspends the natural 
laws of the universe, and miraculously interferes to punish 
with blasting judgments such as engage in labor or recrea- 
tion on the first day of the week — upsetting them in boats 
on the water, overturning them in vehicles on the land, 
burning their dwellings and barns, rendering barren and 
unproductive their farms, visiting with grievous sickness 
their persons, or smiting them or their cattle to the earth 
with a bolt from heaven — is either superstitious error or 
bold effrontery ; for it not only expressly contradicts the 
declaration of Jesus, that God ' causeth his sun to rise on 
the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and 
on the unjust' — that we can be the ' children of our Father 
who is in heaven,' only by returning good for evil, and 
blessing for cursing — but it is disproved by universal expe- 
rience and observation, as such incidents are common to 
every day of the week alike, and are not in any manner 
aflTected by the fact that it is the first, any more than that it 
is the last day of the week, on which they occur ; — 

That they, who resort to such a mode of establishing 
their Sabbatical assumption, give indubitable proof that they 
are either grossly superstitious, or designedly fraudulent ; 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 103 

Straining at a gnat, and swallowing a camel — or, for a pre- 
tence, making long prayers, and devouring widows' houses ; — 

That as it is not pretended, that such extraordinary and 
special judgments attend the violation of other commands 
in the Decalogue, it follows, according to the logic of the 
Sabbatarians, that the fourth commandment is of more value 
than the other nine ; so that, in the sight of God, it is incom- 
parably more offensive to indulge in work or recreation on 
the Sabbath, than it is to w^orship idols, to dishonor father 
and mother, to lie, steal, commit adultery, and murder ; — 

That, as the duty of observing the first day of the week 
is not enjoined either in the second chapter of Genesis, or 
the twentieth chapter of Exodus, or in any other portion of 
the Old Testament, any reference to the Jewish scriptures, 
in support of such observance, is not only impertinent, but 
condemnatory of the present general practice ; for the old 
Hebrew injunction runs, ' The seventh day is the Sabbath ' ; — 

That the prescriptive spirit of modern Sabbatarians is the 
more severely to be censured, inasmuch as not an intimation 
is to be found in the New Testament, that the first day of 
the week is to be regarded as the Sabbath, instead of the 
seventh : nor is Sabbath-breaking, whether relating to the 
first or seventh day, in any instance recognised or reproved 
by Christ or his Apostles as a sin, nor do they inculcate any 
principle involving such recognition or reproof ; — 

That it is perfectly in character for those religious bodies, 
on both sides of the Atlantic, who care nothing for the des- 
ecration of man^ to be deeply concerned for the sanctity of 
a day ; — 

That a Sabbatizing clergy, in resisting, as far as practica- 
ble, every great reformatory movement, and in protesting 
against the advocacy of the cause of the slave, of peace, 
of temperance, of labor, of human brotherhood, on the first 
day of the week, as a desecration of the day, and injurious 



104 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

to the interests of religion, have revealed themselves in their 
true character as ' wolves in sheep's clothing,' and done 
more to bring their ' holy day ' into contempt than any other 
class of men ; — 

That the innocence or criminality of any act is not to be 
determined by the day on which it is performed, but depends 
upon its intrinsic character, and the motives with which it is 
done ; and whatever it is right to do on one day, it is right 
to do on any day ; therefore. 

That it is as innocent an act to plough in the field, to fish 
on the sea, to work in the shop, to ride in the railroad car, 
to indulge in recreation and amusement, on the first as on 
any other day of the week. 

Of all the assumptions on the part of legislative bodies, 
that of interfering between a man's conscience and his God 
is the most insupportable, and the most inexcusable. For 
what purpose do we elect men to the General Court ? Is 
it to be our lawgivers on religious matters ? Shall we ask 
of that body when we may work, how we may work, or 
where we may work ? Is it a part of its constitutional 
power and prerogative to determine that point for us ? This 
passing a law, forbidding me or you to do on a particular 
day, what is in itself right, on the ground that that day, in 
the judgment of those who make the enactment, is more 
holy than another ; this exercise of power, I affirm, is noth- 
ing better than sheer usurpation. It is the spirit which in 
all ages has persecuted those who have been loyal to God 
and their consciences. It is a war upon conscience, and no 
religious conclave or political assembly ever yet carried on 
that war successfully to the end. You cannot, by any enact- 
ments, bind the consciences of men, nor force men into obe- 
dience to what God requires. 

Who wants to be persecuted on account of his own con- 
scientious views ? I will ask the first day Sabbatarian — do 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 105 

you claim a right to entertain your views, without molesta- 
tion, in regard to the holiness of time ? ' Most assuredly.' 
How do you make it out that the first day of the week is the 
Sabbath ? ' I believe it to be so ; and if it is not, to my own 
master I stand or fall. Under a government which avowed- 
ly tolerates all beliefs, I claim the right, as a first day Sab- 
batarian, to keep that day as the Sabbath.' Well, I do not 
assail that right. I claim the right also to have my own 
views of the day ; the right to sanctify the first, second, or 
third, or all days, as I think proper. Now, I turn to the first 
day Sabbatarian, and ask him how he dares to assume infal- 
lible judgment against my belief; how he dares to dictate to 
me to keep the day which he regards as holy, and to say, 
' If you do not obey me, I will put my hands into your 
pocket, and take out as much as I please in the shape of a 
fine ; or if I find nothing there, I will put you in prison ; or 
if you resist so far as to require it, I will shoot you dead ' > 
Talk of the spirit of justice animating the bosom of the 
man who comes like a highwayman with, ' Do, or rf/<^ / * 
Who made him a ruler over other men's consciences ? In 
a government which is based on equality, we must have 
equal rights. No men, however sincere, are to wield force- 
ful authority over others who dissent from them, in regard 
to religious faith and observance. The case is so plain, that 
it does not need an argument ; and I am confident that, in 
the course of a few years, there will not be a Sabbatical 
enactment left unrepealed in the United States, if in any 
part of Christendom. It belongs to the tyrannical legislation 
which formerly sent men to the stake, in the name of God 
and for his glory, because they did not agree in the theologi- 
cal views of those who burnt them to ashes. 

In this country, one pharisaical restriction after another, 
imposed by legislation, has been erased from the statute 
book, in the progress of religious freedom. We now come 



106 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

to this Sabbatical observance, as the last, perhaps, — a very 
formidable one, at any rate. If it be of God, it does 
not need legislation to uphold it. There is no power which 
can prevail against it. If it is founded in the nature of man, 
and in the wants of animals, — as its advocates declare, — 
then, of course, it is safe, and human nature will triumph. 
On the other hand, if it be merely a traditional usage, 
enforced upon us artfully, in the name of Christ, though of 
Jewish origin, it is for you and me, if we profess to be fol- 
lowers of Christ, or lovers of freedom, to speak the truth in 
regard to it, and deny that it has any special claim to reli- 
gious veneration. 

Why should we attempt to legislate upon a question of 
this kind ? Observe how many differences of opinion pre- 
vail, honestly and sincerely, in the world, respecting it ! 
Does any one doubt that the Seventh Day Baptists are sin- 
cere ? Are they not honest, courageous, self-sacrificing 
men, those who stand out against the law and public sen- 
timent, for conscience' sake ? The men, even though they 
err, who are true to their consciences, cost what it may, 
are, after all, those who are ever nearest to the kingdom of 
God. They desire only to know what is right, and they 
have the spirit in them to do what is right. The great mass 
of first day Sabbatarians, — do they not claim to be consci- 
entious and sincere ? And the Quakers, who regard no day 
as in itself, or by divine appointment, more holy than anoth- 
er, — who will question their honesty or sincerity in this 
matter? Here, then, are widely conflicting sentiments; 
but which of these parties shall resort to the arm of violence 
to enforce uniformity of opinion ? 

By that infaUible test of conscious rectitude which Jesus 
gave to his disciples — ' Whatsoever ye would that men 
should do to you, do ye even so to them,' — let those who 
Sabbatize on the first dav of the week be measured. At 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 107 

present, they constitute the majority, we the minority, in this 
country ; hence, the legislative power is in their hands, 
which they do not scruple to use for the purpose of binding 
and coercing our consciences. Now, let the case be revers- 
ed. Suppose this power were in the hands of those who do 
not Sabbatize, and they should proceed to enact penal laws, 
forbidding the observance of any day as the Sabbath — 
would not the Sabbatarians cry out against such laws as vex- 
atious and tyrannical, destructive of the rights of conscience, 
and a disgrace to the statute book ? 

In this country, we tolerate all religions, but must not tol- 
erate all views with regard to a holy day ! Why not ? If 
we tolerate the greater, why not the less ? We had better 
begin at the beginning. Let us tolerate none but the true 
religion, and no other worship than that of a triune God. 
Let us have no Jews, no Idolaters, no Catholics ! We are 
Protestants; we are evangelical ; ours is the true God, ours 
the true religion ; and it is all-important for the welfare of 
the world, that the true religion should be promoted. There- 
fore, be it enacted by the Legislature, that only the Protes- 
tant religion, in its evangelical form, be allowed on the 
American soil ! 

But we do not do this. It is not a crime, in the eye of 
the law, for a man to make as many idols as he chooses, 
and to worship them. It is not a crime, in the eye of the 
law, to reject the doctrine of the Trinity. Time has been, 
when it was a capital offence to deny the monstrous dogma 
of transubstantiation as held by the Church of Rome, and 
the denial carried the heretic to the stake. We tolerate 
everything, excepting the opinions of men with regard to 
the first day of the week ! Having very successfully gone 
thus far, I think we may take the next step, and finish the 
whole category of religious edicts enforced by penal laws. 
Many doubtless remember what a hue-and-cry was raised 



108 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

by the religious press and the clergy, at the proposition 
to expunge that portion of the Constitution of Massachu- 
setts, which required persons to be taxed for the support of 
public worship somewhere. But the spirit of religious lib- 
erty came up, and said, ' That is tyranny, and the law ought 
to be, — ay, must be repealed.' What was the response of 
the evangelical press ? ' This is an infidel movement ! 
This is an attempt to overthrow Christianity ! ' And it 
prophesied that, just as surely as the proposed amendment 
should be adopted, public worship would be sadly neglected. 
Well, the Constitution was altered, in this respect, notwith- 
standing this selfish outcry. Is there less of public worship 
than formerly ? The clergy have never been so well sus- 
tained as they now are, and no one now laments the change. 

Now, the outcry raised against the repeal of all Sabbati- 
cal laws, as an infidel movement, is as absurd, as preposter- 
ous, as libellous, as the other ; and will be found so when 
those laws cease to be in force. Tie men up to the idea, 
that one day is more holy than another, and enforce that 
idea by the infliction of penalties in case of disobedience, 
and you may make men religious hypocrites, but never 
Christians. That experiment was tried, with all exactness 
and severity, under the Old Dispensation. God has written 
out that experiment in letters of fii'e, as it were, which shall 
never go out until all men shall learn that it is not outward 
observances which are required^ but that spirit of the heart 
and life which consecrates all things to God and humanity. 

What a tremendous outcry was raised in England when 
Daniel O'Connell, in behalf of plundered Ireland, demanded 
the passage of the Catholic Emancipation Act by the British 
Parliament ! The Protestant clergy and the Protestant press 
cried out against it. It will never do, they said ; the cause 
of religion will suffer ! AVhere now is the Catholic test ? 
Gone ! its ashes are not to be found ; but has any injury fol- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 109 

lowed from its repeal ? So with regard to the unrighteous 
restrictions imposed upon the Jews; they were justified on 
the ground of Christian vigilance and security ! But, during 
the present session of Parliament, the Jews have been admit- 
ted to equal rights with all others ; and the Jew in England 
can now take his position any where in the government, as 
well as the Christian. Does any one suppose Christianity 
will suffer by this ? Christianity, as taught by its founder, 
does not need any governmental safeguards ; its reliance for 
safety and prosperity is not on the rack or the stake, the 
dungeon or the gibbet, unjust proscription or brutal suprem- 
acy. No — it is the only thing under heaven that is not 
afraid ; it is the only thing that repudiates all such instru- 
ments as unholy and sinful. 

Let the first day of the week stand on its own basis, as 
the second or third day stands, and I am satisfied that it will 
be much more rationally observed than it is now. Getting 
rid of our superstition concerning it, we shall use the day in 
a far more sensible and useful manner than is now done. " 

I desire to be clearly understood. I have no objection 
either to the first or the seventh day of the week, as a day 
of rest from bodily toil, both for man and beast. On the 
contrary, such rest is not only desirable, but indispensable. 
Neither man nor beast can long endure unmitigated labor. 
But I do not believe that it is in harmony with the will of 
God, or the physical nature of man, that mankind should be 
doomed to hard and wasting toil, six days out of seven, to 
obtain a bare subsistence. Reduced to such a pitiable con- 
dition, the rest of one day in the week is indeed grateful, 
and must be regarded as a blessing ; but it is wholly inade- 
quate to repair the physical injury or the moral degradation 
consequent on such protracted labor. It is not in accordance 
whh the law of life, that our race should be thus worked, 
and only thus partially relieved from suffering and a prema- 
10 



110 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ture death. They need more, and must have more, instead 
of less, rest ; and it is only for them to be enlightened and 
reclaimed, to put away those things which now cause them 
to grind in the prison-house of Toil, namely, idolatry, priest- 
craft, sectarianism, slavery, war, intemperance, licentious- 
ness, monopoly, and the like — in short, to live in peace, obey 
the eternal law of being, strive for each other's welfare, and 
' glorify God in their bodies and spirits which are his ' — and 
they will secure the rest, not only of one day in seven, but 
of a very large portion of their earthly existence. 
^ Nor do I deny the right of any number of persons to 
observe a particular day of the week as holy time, by such 
religious rites and ceremonies as they may deem acceptable 
to God. To their own master, they stand or fall. In regard 
to all such matters, it is for every one to be fully persuaded 
in his own mind, and to obey the promptings of his own 
conscience ; conceding to others the liberty he claims for 
himself. 

The sole and distinct issue that I make is this : — I main- 
tain that the seventh day Sabbath was exclusively Jewish in 
its origin and design ; that no holiness, in any sense, attaches 
to the first day of the week, more than to any other ; and 
that the attempt to compel the observance of any day as 
' the Sabbath,' especially by penal enactments, is unauthor- 
ized by scripture or reason, and a shameful act of injustice 
and tyranny.' I claim for myself, and for all mankind, the 
right to worship God according to the dictates of our own 
consciences. This right, inherent and inalienable, is clo- 
ven down in the United States ; and I call upon all who 
desire to preserve civil and religious liberty to rally for its 
rescue. 

See what it is that a hireling priesthood represent Chris- 
tianity as securing for the laboring classes ! A poor respite 
from brute toil of only one day in seven. Nothing more. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. Ill 

Why, in this view, Moses was a far more considerate and 
merciful lawgiver than Jesus ; and Judaism is decidedly 
preferable to Christianity ! Let any man examine the 
Mosaic code, and he will be surprised, I think, to find that 
nearly one-third of the whole time of the people was devoted 
to rest, to abstinence from labor, through the multiplica- 
tion of festivals and sacred occasions. Is there such an 
exemption from toil in this boasted Christian land, eighteen 
hundred years after the advent of the Messiah ? Are not 
the masses driven from the earliest dawn of Monday to the 
latest hour of Saturday, to enable them to keep body and 
soul together ? And is this the state of society which God 
has ordained, to the end of the world ? Why do not we, 
under Christ and Christianity, enjoy as many rest-days as 
they had under Moses and Judaism ? Nay, in this respect, 
observe the difference between Catholicism and Protestant- 
ism. The Romish church has its festivals and hallowed 
days, in addition to the Sunday, and thus relief is given to 
the severity of toil ; but all that is conceded to us, as Pro- 
testants, is the rest of one day in seven, or fifty-two days 
out of three hundred and sixty-five ! 

Such is not my estimate of Christianity. As taught by 
its founder, and portrayed in his life, its object is to undo 
the heavy burdens of suffering humanity, not to increase 
those burdens — to diminish the hours of toil, not to multiply 
them ; and if it cannot do this, of what value is it to man- 
kind ? I do not believe that God has created us under this 
dire necessity to toil, like beasts, to sustain life. I believe 
it is his will that we should hold absolute mastery over time, 
so as to devote it mainly to intellectual and moral improve- 
ment, domestic enjoyment, and social intercourse. In a 
rectified state of society, it will not be necessary for us to 
eat our bread in the sweat of our brow. God will work for 
us, by an omnipotent and omnipresent energy, operating 



112 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

upon the machinery of human invention. Our servants 
shall be water, fire, and air, — whatever yet remains to be 
drawn from the unexplored and exhaustless store-house of 
electricity, — to perform all servile labor, and the earth shall 
be filled with abundance for all. 

Some of the religious journals are giving such represen- 
tations of the views which are held by those who ' esteem 
every day,' and who allow no man to judge them in respect 
to a weekly Sabbath, as to make the ignorant and vicious 
imagine that anti-Sabbatarians are for desecrating the first 
day of the week by countenancing them in their evil prac- 
tices — such as drinking, horse-racing, and the like. This 
is monstrous ! They who refuse to Sabbatize are for ele- 
vating, not for depressing the standard of morality. They 
have done something — who have done more.? — for the 
cause of Temperance, of Peace, of Purity, of Labor; 
something to redeem the slaves from their fetters ; some- 
thing to promulgate the doctrine of human brotherhood. 
What evil have they advocated ? Of what crime have they 
been convicted .? The tree is known by its fruits. I do 
not believe that there can be found on earth a more pure, a 
more unselfish, a more reformatory, a more truly Christian 
body. But ' if the master of the house be called Beelzebub, 
how much more they of his household ? ' Now, this is my 
reply to the charge alluded to. They who indulge in drink- 
ing, gambling and horse-racing, are not our disciples. They 
know us not, except to hate us. They do not believe in our 
doctrine of abstaining from all iniquity, and sanctifying all 
time alike. They believe what they have been taught, that 
the first day of the week is the Sabbath, though they dese- 
crate it — and this is their highest idea of Christianity. 

What sort of a syllogism is this — that because we deny 
the peculiar holiness of a certain day, therefore we are for 
dcrecrating that day by immoral conduct? 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 113 

Now, the people have an idea of only one day in seven 
to be given to God. On Monday morning, after Sunday is 
past, they absolutely look like different persons — do they 
not ? Can you conceive a wider contrast in their mien and 
behavior, than is seen between Sunday and Monday ? If a 
man did not well understand this wonderful change, and 
should form acquaintances on Sunday, he would have to be 
introduced again on the next day, such entire strangers 
would they be to him. They have a different look, gait, 
walk, and voice ; they begin to breathe more freely ; they 
once more feel and act in a natural manner ; it was all un- 
natural before. Now, all such are assuredly deceiving 
themselves ; they worship externally, not in the spirit ; they 
do not yet comprehend the meaning of those pregnant de- 
clarations of Jesus, ' The kingdom of God cometh not by 
observation ' — ' The hour cometh, and now is, when the true 
worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and in truth.' 

I am aware that I shall inevitably be accused, by. the chief 
priests, scribes and Pharisees of the present time, as was 
Jesus by the same class in his age, as ' not of God,' because 
I ' do not keep the Sabbath day' ; but I am persuaded, that 
to expose the popular delusion which prevails on this subject 
is to advance the cause of a pure Christianity^ to promote 
true and acceptable icorship, and to inculcate strict moral 
and religious accountahility, in all the concerns of life, on 
ALL DAYS OF THE WEEK ALIKE. If I am an ' infidel ' or a 
* heretic ' for this belief, I am content to stand in the same 
condemnation, on this point, with Tyndale,* Lutiieu,! 

* « As for the Sabbath, wc be lords of the Sabbath, and may yet 
change it into Monday, or any other day, as we see need ; or we 
may make every tenth day holy, if we see cause why.' — Tyndalk. 

t * Keep it [the first day of the week] holy, for its use sake, both to 
body and soul. But if any where the day is made holy for the mere 
10* 



114 selections from the writings of 

Calvin,* Melancthon, Roger Williams, Milton, Fox, 
Penn, Priestley, Belsham, Paley, Whitby, Archbishop 
Whately,! and a host of others, who are every where laud- 
ed, by the various sects with which they are identified, as 
among the brightest ornaments of the Christian Church, and 
who are essentially agreed in the opinion, that the Sabbath 
was a Jewish institution. 

day's sake — if any where any one sets up its observance upon a 
Jewish foundation — then I order you to work on it, to ride on it, 
to dance on it, to do any thing that shall reprove this encroachment 
on the Christian spirit and liberty.' — Luther. 

* ' Christ is the true fulfilment of the Sabbath, . . . which is 
contained, not in one day, but in the whole course of our life, till 
being wholly dead to ourselve?, we be filled with the life of God. 
Christians, therefore, ought to depart from all superstitious observ- 
ance of days.' — Calvin. 

t ♦ To say, that no part of the Jewish law is binding on Christiana 
is very far from leaving them at liberty to disregard all moral duties. 
For, in fact, the very definition of a moral duty implies its universal 
obligation, independent of all enactment. * * * 

' Nor need it be feared, that to proclaim an exemption from the 
Mosaic law should leave men without any moral guide, and at a 
loss to distinguish right and wrong ; since, after all, the light of rea- 
son is that to which every man must be left, in the interpretation of 
that very law. For Moses, it should be remembered, did not write 
three distinct books, one of the Ceremonial Law, one of the 
Civil, and a third of the Moral ; nor does he hint at any such dis- 
tinction. When, therefore, any one is told that a part of the Mo- 
saic precepts are binding on us, viz., the Moral ones, if he ask which 
are the Moral precepts, and how to distinguish them from the Cere- 
monial and the Civil, with which they are mingled, the answer 
must be, that his conscience, if he consult it honestly, will deter- 
mine that point. So far, consequently, from the moral precepts of 
the law being, to the Christian, necessary as a guide to his judg- 
ment in determining what is right and wrong, on the contrary this 
moral judgment is necessary to determine what are the Mo7'al pre- 
cepts of Moses.' — Archbishop Whately. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 115 



ItJ n r 5 Ij i ji . 



They who, as worshippers, some mountain climb, 
Or to some temple, made with hands, repair. 
As though the Godhead specially dwelt there, 

And absence, in Heaven's eye, would be a crime, 

Have yet to comprehend this truth sublime : — 
The freeman of the Lord no chain can bear — 
His soul is free to worship every where, 

Nor limited to any place or time. 

No worldly sanctuary now may claim 
Man's reverence as a consecrated pile ; 

Mosque, synagogue, cathedral, are the same, 
Differing in nought but architectural style : — 

Avaunt, then, Superstition ! in God's name, 
Nor longer thy blind devotees beguile I 



Church of the living God ! in vain thy foes 

Make thee, in impious mirth, their laughing-stock. 
Contemn thy strength, thy radiant beauty mock : 

In vain their throats, and impotent their blows — 

Satan's assaults — Hell's agonizing throes ! 
For thou art built upon th* Eternal Rock, 
Nor fcar'bt the thunder storm, the earthquake shock, 

And nothing shall disturb tliy calm repose. 

All human combinations change and die, 
Whatc'cr their origin, name, form, design; 

But, firmer than the pillars of the sky. 
Thou standcst ever by a power Divine : 

Thou art endowed with Immortality, 

And canst not perish — God's own life is tiiinu ! 



116 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



IjB amniriiE ^uinn. 



Tyrants of the old world ! contemners of the rights of 
man ! disbelievers in human freedom and equality ! enemies 
of mankind ! console not yourselves with the delusion, that 
Republicanism and the American Union are synonymous 
terms — or that the downfall of the latter will be the extinc- 
tion of the former, and, consequently, a proof of the inca- 
pacity of the people for self-government, and a confirma- 
tion of your own despotic claims! Your thrones must 
crumble to dust ; your sceptre of dominion drop from your 
powerless hands ; your rod of oppression be broken ; your- 
selves so vilely abased, that there shall be ' none so poor to 
do you reverence.' The will of God, the beneficent Creator of 
the human family, cannot always be frustrated. It is His will 
that every form of usurpation, every kind of injustice, every 
device of tyranny, shall come to nought ; that peace, and 
liberty, and righteousness, shall ' reign from sea to sea, and 
from the rivers to the ends of the earth ; ' and that, through- 
out the world, in the fullness of a sure redemption, there 
shall be ' none to molest or make afraid.' Humanity, 
covered with gore, cries, with a voice that pierces the heav- 
ens, ' His will be done ! ' Justice, discrowned by the hand 
of violence, exclaims, in tones of deep solemnity, ' His will 
BE done ! ' Liberty, burdened with chains, and driven into 
exile, in thunder-tones responds, ' His will be done ! ' 

Tyrants ! know that the rights of man are inherent and 
inalienable, and therefore not to be forfeited by the failure 
of any form of government, however democratic. Let the 
American Union perish ; let these allied States be torn with 
faction, or drenched in blood; let this republic realize the 
fate of Rome and Carthage, of Babylon and Tyre ; still, 
those rights would remain undiminished in strength, unsul- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 117 

lied in purity, unafTected in value, and sacred as their Divine '' 
Author. If nations perish, it is not because of their devotion ^ 
to liberty, but for their disregard of its requirements. Man 
is superior to all political compacts, all governmental 
arrangements, all religious institutions. As means to an ' 
end, these may sometimes be useful, though never indispen- 
sable ; but that end must always be the freedom and happi- 
ness of man, individual man. It can never be true, that 
the public good requires the violent sacrifice of any, even the 
humblest citizen ; for it is absolutely dependant on his pre- 
servation, not destruction. To do evil, that good may come, 
is equally absurd and criminal. The time for the overthrow 
of any government, the abandonment of any alliance, the 
subversion of any institution, is whenever it justifies the 
immolation of the individual to secure the general welfare ; ' 
for the welfare of the many cannot be hostile to the safety 
of the few. In all agreements, in all measures, in all polit- 
ical or religious enterprises, in all attempts to redeem the 
human race, man, as an individual, is to be held paramount. 
The doctrine, that the end sanctifies the means, is the 
maxim of profligates and impostors, of usurpers and tyrants. 
They who, to promote the cause of truth, will sanction the 
utterance of a falsehood, are to be put in the category of 
liars. So, likewise, they who are for trampling on the rights 
of the minority, in order to benefit the majority, are to be 
registered as the monsters of their race. Might is never ^ 
right, excepting when it sees in every human being, ' a man 
and a brother,' and protects him with a divine fidelity. It is 
the recognition of these truths, the adoption of these princi- 
ples, which alone can extirpate tyranny from the earth, per- 
petuate a free government, and cause the dwellers in every 
clime, ' like kindred drops, to mingle into one.' 

Tyrants ! confident of its overthrow, proclaim not to your ' 
vassals, that the American Union is an experiment of free- 



118 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

/ dom, which, if it fail, will for ever demonstrate the necessity 
of whips for the backs, and chains for the limbs of the peo- 
ple. Know that its subversion is essential to the triumph of 
justice, the deliverance of the oppressed, the vindication of 
the BROTHERHOOD OF THE RACE. It was conceivcd in sin, 

/ and brought forth in iniquity ; and its career has been 
marked by unparalleled hypocrisy, by high-handed tyranny, 
by a bold defiance of the omniscience and omnipotence of 

''''God. Freedom indignantly disowns it, and calls for its ex- 
tinction ; for within its borders are three millions of slaves, 
whose blood constitutes its cement, whose flesh forms a 
large and flourishing branch of its commerce, and who are 
ranked with four-footed beasts and creeping things. To 
secure the adoption of the Constitution of the United States, 
it was agreed, first, that the African s'lave-trade, — till that 
time a feeble, isolated, colonial traffic, — should, for at least 
twenty years, be prosecuted as a national interest under the 
American flag, and protected by the national arm ; — sec- 
ondly, that a slaveholding oligarchy, created by allowing 
three-fifths of the slave population to be represented by 
their taskmasters, should be allowed a permanent seat in 
Congress ; — thirdly, that the slave system should be se- 
cured against internal revolt and external invasion, by the 
united physical force of the country ; — fourthly, that not a 
foot of national territory should be granted, on which the 
panting fugitive from slavery might stand, and be safe from 
his pursuers — thus making every citizen a slave-hunter 
/ and slave-catcher. To say that this ' covenant with death ' 
shall not be annulled — that this ' agreement with hell ' shall 

y continue to stand — that this 'refuge of lies' shall not be 
swept away — is to hurl defiance at the eternal throne, and 
to give the lie to Him who sits thereon. It is an attempt, 
alike monstrous and impracticable, to blend the light of 
heaven with the darkness of the bottomless pit, to unite the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 119 

living with the dead, to associate the Son of God with the 
Prince of Evil. 

Accursed he the American Union, as a stupendous re- 
publican imposture ! 

Accursed be it, as the most frightful despotism, with re- 
gard to three millions of the people, ever exercised over any 
portion of the human family ! 

Accursed be it, as the most subtle and atrocious com- 
promise ever made to gratify power and selfishness ! 

Accursed be it, as a libel on Democracy, and a bold as- 
sault on Christianity ! 

Accursed be it, stained as it is with human blood, and 
supported by human sacrifices ! 

Accursed be it, for the terrible evils it has inflicted on 
Africa, by burning her villages, ravaging her coast, and kid- 
napping her children, at an enormous expense of human 
life, and for a diabolical purpose ! 

Accursed be it, for all the crimes it has committed at 
home — for seeking the utter extermination of the red men 
of its wildernesses, and for enslaving one-sixth part of its 
teeming population ! 

Accursed be it, for its hypocrisy, its falsehood, its impu- 
dence, its lust, its cruelty, its oppression ! 

Accursed be it, as a mighty obstacle in the way of uni- 
versal freedom and equality ! 

Accursed be it, from the foundation to the roof, and may 
there soon not be left one stone upon another, that shall not 
be thrown down ! 

Henceforth, the watchword of every uncompromising abo- 
litionist, of every friend of God and liberty, must be, both in 
a religious and political sense — ' No Union with Slave- 



holders ! 



f » 



120 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



^^rsniitinn. 



O, Persecution ! fearful as thou art, 
With scowling brow, and aspect stern and rude. 
Thy hands in blood of Innocence inabrued, 

Wrung, drop by drop, from many a tortured heart, — 

Why should we dread the gibbet, axe, or stake ? 
Thou dost our faith, our hope, our courage try, 
And mak'st us valiant where wc thought to fly : 

Through thee, the crown of Victory we take. 

Thy fires but purify our gold from dross ; 
Once undiscerned, our value now appears. 
Which shall, at interest, increase with years ; 

So do we gain by thee, nor suffer loss : — 

'T were base to sacrifice the Truth, to save 
Our names from foul reproach — our bodies from the grave. 



Urihirtij. 



Thy cause, Liberty ! can never fail. 

Whether by foes o'erwhelmed or friends betray' 

Then bo its advocates of nought afraid ! 
As God is true, they surely shall prevail. 
Let base oppressors tremble, and turn pale ! 

They, they alone, may justly be dismayed; 

For Truth and Right are on thy side arrayed. 
And the whole world shall j'ct thy triumph hail. 
No blow for thee was ever struck in vain ; 

Thy champions, martyrs, are of noble birth ; 
Rare honors, blessings, praises, thanks, they gain, 

And Time and Glory magnify their worth ! 
A thousand times defeated, thou shalt reign 

Victor, O Liberty, o'er all the earth ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 121 



IBralj Iniignngr — lUtnrWiig \\)t i'Hm, 

I AM accused of using hard language. I admit the charge. 
I have not been able to find a soft word to describe villany, 
or to identify the perpetrator of it. The man who makes a 
chattel of his brother — what is he? The man who keeps- 
back the hire of his laborers by fraud — what is he ? They 
who prohibit the circulation of the Bible — what are they? 
They who compel three millions of men and women to herd 
together, like brute beasts — what are they ? They who sell 
mothers by the pound, and children in lots to suit purchase 
ers — what are they ? I care not what terms are applied to 
them, provided they do apply. If they are not thieves, 
if they are not tyrants, if they are not men-stealers, I 
should like to know what is their true character, and by 
what names they may be called. It is as mild an epithet 
to say that a thief is a thief, as it is to say that a spade 
is a spade. Words are but the signs of ideas. ' A rose 
by any other name would smell as sweet.' Language 
may be misapplied, and so be absurd or unjust — as, for 
example, to say that an abolitionist is a fanatic, or that a 
slaveholder is an honest man. But to call things by their 
right names is to use neither hard nor improper language. 
Epithets may be rightly applied, it is true, and yet be uttered 
in a bad spirit, or with a malicious design. What then ? 
Shall we discard all terms which are descriptive of crime, 
because they are not always used with fairness and propriety ? 
He who, when he sees oppression, cries out against it — 
who, when he beholds his equal brother trodden under foot 
by the iron hoof of despotism, rushes to his rescue — who, 
when he sees the weak overborne by the strong, takes sides 
with the former, at the imminent peril of his own safety — 
such a man needs no certificate to the excellence of his 
11 



a" 



122 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

temper, or the sincerity of his heart, or the disinterestedness 
of his conduct. It is the apologist of slavery — he who can 
see the victim of thieves lying bleeding and helpless on the 
cold earth, and yet turn aside, like the callous-hearted priest 
and Levite — who needs absolution. 

The Anti-Slavery cause is beset by many dangers. But 
there is one which we have special reason to apprehend. It 
is, that this hollow cant and senseless clamor about ' hard 
language,' will insensibly check that free utterance of 
•^thought, and close application of the truth, which have char- 
acterized abolitionists from the beginning. As that cause 
is becoming popular, and many may be induced to espouse 
it from motives of policy, rather than from any reverence 
for principle, let us beware how we soften our just severity 
of speech, or emasculate a single epithet. The whole scope 
of the English language is inadequate to describe the horrors 
and impieties of slavery, and the transcendent wickedness 
of those who sustain this bloody system. Instead, therefore, 
of repudiating any of its strong terms, we rather need a 
new and stronger dialect. Hard language ! Let us mark 
those who complain of its use. In ninety-nine cases out of 
a hundred, they will be found to be the most unscrupulous 
in their allegations, the most bitter in their spirit, the most 
vituperative in their manner of expression, when alluding to 
abolitionists. The cry of ' hard language ' has become stale 
in my ears. The faithful utterance of that language has, by 
the blessing of God, made the Anti-Slavery cause what it is — 
ample in resources, strong in numbers, victorious in conflict. 
Like the hand-writing upon the wall of the palace, it has 
caused the knees of the American Belshazzar to smite 
together in terror, and filled with dismay all who follow in his 
train. Soft phrases and honeyed accents were tried in vain 
for many a year : — they had no adaptation to the subject. 
' Canst thou draw out the leviathan, Slavery, with a hook ? 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 123 

or his tongue with a cord which thou lettest down ? Canst 
thou put a hook into his nose ? or bore his jaw through with 
a thorn ? Will he make many supplications unto thee ? 
wilt thou take him for a servant for ever ? Shall not one be 
cast down at the sight of him ? Out of his nostrils goeth 
smoke, as out of a seething pot or caldron. His breath 
kindleth coals, and a flame goeth out of his mouth. His 
heart is as firm as a stone ; yea, as hard as a piece of the 
nether mill-stone. When he raiseth up himself, even the 
mighty are afraid. He esteemeth iron as straw, and brass as 
rotten wood.' O the surpassing folly of those ' wise and 
prudent ' men, who think he may be coaxed into a willing- 
ness to be destroyed, and who regard him as the gentlest of 
all fish — provided he be let alone ! They say it will irritate 
him to charge him with being a leviathan ; he will cause the 
deep to boil like a pot. Call him a dolphin, and he will not 
get angry ! If I should call these sage advisers by their 
proper names, no doubt they would be irritated too. 

Strong denunciatory language is consistent with gentleness 
of spirit, long-sufiering, and perfect charity. It was the God 
whose name was Love, who could speak, even to his chosen 
people, in the following terms, by the mouth of his prophet 
Ezekiel : — ' An end, the end has come upon the four corners 
of the land. I will send mine anger upon thee, and wiU 
judge thee according to thy ways, and will recompense upon 
thee all thy abominations. And mine eye shall not spare, 
neither will I have pity.' ' A third part of thee shall die 
with the pestilence, and with famine shall they be consumed 
in the midst of thee : and a third part shall fall by the sword, 
round about thee, and I will scatter a third part into all the 
winds, and I will draw out a sword after them.' It was the 
Lamb of God who could exclaim, — ' Wo unto you, scribes 
and Pharisees, hypocrites! for ye devour widows' houses, 
and for a pretence make long prayers : therefore ye shall 



124 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

receive the greater damnation. Ye blind guides ! which 
strain at a gnat, and swallow a camel. Ye serpents, ye gen- 
eration of vipers, how can ye escape the damnation of 
hell ? ' It was the martyr Stephen, who, though in his dying 
agonies, supplicated forgiveness for his enemies, and, a few 
moments before his cruel death, could address his country- 
men in the following strain : — ' Ye stiff-necked, and uncir- 
cumcised in heart and ears, ye do always resist the Holy 
Ghost : as your fathers did, so do ye. Which of the proph- 
•ets have not your fathers persecuted ? and ye have slain 
them which showed before of the coming of the Just One ; 
of whom ye have been now the betrayers and murderers.' 

My accusers impudently assert, that I have seriously 
injured the sacred cause of liberty. Much do they care 
for the speedy triumph of that cause ! Rather, they care 
nothing, fear nothing about it, except that the abolition- 
ists will succeed in putting the slave-system down. Will 
any man say, that I have overrated the rights, privileges, 
enjoyments of liberty ? — that I have eulogized it too strong- 
ly, painted its beauties in too glowing colors, represented it 
above its true value, advocated its universal prevalence too 
earnestly, defended it too vigorously against the assaults of 
its enemies .? Who and where is that man ? Is he a man ? 
Is he an American, a Republican, a Christian ? Why, I 
have been taught from childhood to consider liberty an ines- 
timable boon, — as something worth contending for, worth 
dying for, above all price, above all earthly considerations ! 
It has been instilled into me, that 

* A day, an hour of virtuous liberty 
Is worth a whole eternity of bondage ! ' 

and I shall be slow to unlearn a lesson that so perfectly har- 
monises with all the instincts and aspirations of the soul. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 125 

I thought American freemen subscribed to the affirmation, 
that it is 

'Better to sit in Freedom's hall, 
With a cold damp floor and mouldering wall, 
Than to bend the neck, or bow the knee. 
In the proudest palace of slavery ! ' 

I thought it was the earnest inquiry in 1776, — ' the times 
that tried men's souls,' — 

* O, where 's the slave, so lowly, 

Condemned to chains unholy. 
Who, could he burst his bonds at first. 

Would pine beneath them slowly ? 

What soul, whose wrongs degrade it, 

Would wait till time decayed it. 
When thus its wing at once might spring 

To the throne of Him w'ho made it ? ' 

' O Liberty ! O sound once delightful to every Amer- 
ican ear ! Once sacred, but now trampled upon ! ' Arise 
from the dust, armed with immortal energy, and scatter thy 
foes as chaff is driven before the whirlwind ! Knowest thou 
not that thou art destined to be the conqueror of the world, 
and that no weapon against thee can prosper ? 0, sublime is 
the conflict before thee, and right royally shalt thou triumph, 
to the joy of all heaven and earth ! 

That I have estimated a state of freedom too highly is 
impossible ! The difficulty is, to appreciate it, in all its 
grandeur and glory. Never, never can I be too thankful to 
God, that I was not born a slave ; that my wife and little 
ones arc secure from the clutches of the kidnapper ; that 
my hearth-stone is sacred to purity and love ; that it is not 
the horrible fate of myself and family, to be prized as goods 
and chattels, and herded with four-footed beasts and creep- 
ing things. O, to be free as the winds of heaven ; to be 
11* 



126 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

restrained by nothing but love to God and love to man ; to 
go and come, rise up or lie down, labor or rest, just as the 
free spirit shall elect ; to stand up in the dignity of manhood, 
almost on a level with the angels of God, and find no supe- 
rior on earth ; to understand all knowledge, and know the 
why and wherefore of ' the brave overhanging sky,' and the 
outstretched earth, and pry into the mysteries of creation ; 
above all, to be instructed from those Scriptures which 
are able to make the seeker wise unto salvation, and which 
show what is the perfect will of God, and how w^e may 
become free indeed in Christ Jesus ; this is to make life a 
blessing, and the reverse of it a curse. I have not, then, at 
any time, extolled liberty too highly. 

Still, the popular cry against me is, that have T spoken of 
slavery, and slaveholders, and the apologists of slavery, in 
harsh, denunciatory language, so as greatly to injure the 
cause I profess to love. This is not only hypercritical, but, 
I fear, hypocritical, on the part of my accusers. Who ever 
knew men induced to love freedom less, because they w^ere 
urged to hate slavery more ? I scoff at such a conclusion ! 
That my language has been rough, vehement, denunciatory, 
is true : but why ? Because the exigency of the times 
demanded it ; because any other language would have been 
inappropriate and ineffectual ; because my theme was not a 
gentle one, about buds, and blossoms, and flowers, and gentle 
zephyrs, and starry skies ; but about a nation of boasting re- 
publicans and Christians, ruthlessly consigning to chains and 
slavery every sixth person born in the land — about a land, 

♦ Where the image of God is accounted as base, 
And the image of Csesar set up in its place * — 

about one vast system of crime and blood, and all imaginable 
lewdness and villany — about the robbers of God's poor, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 



127 



those who keep back the hire of, their laborers by fraud, 
those who sin against the clearest hght, and in the most 
awful manner. Now, what words shall I use to express the 
convictions of an honest soul, in view of such atrocious 
impiety, and such unequalled meanness and baseness ? 
Shall they be gentle, and carefully selected, arid cautiously 
expressed ? Away with such counsel ; it is treason against 
the throne of God ! Call things by their right names, and 
let the indignant spirit find free utterance. 

' On such a theme 't were impious to be calm ! 
Passion is reason, transport temper here ! ' 

It may be said, this is all declamation, — why not argue 
the matter ? Argue, indeed ! What is the proposition to 
be discussed ? It is this : whether all men are created free 
and equal, and have an inalienable right to liberty ! I am 
urged to argue this with a people, who declare it to be a 
self-evident truth ! Why, such folly belongs to Bedlam. 
When my countrymen shall burn their Bibles, and rescind 
their famous Declaration of Independence, and reduce 
themselves to colonial dependence upon the mother countiy, 
I will find both time and patience to reason with them on the 
subject of human rights. Argument is demanded — to prove 
what > Why, that one man has no right to make a chattel 
of another ! that he is a thief who picks another man's 
pockets, and kidnaps his body and soul ! that an American 
citizen, who is a slave-master, and yet pretends to be a 
republican or Christian, is an arrant hypocrite ! that to sell 
families at auction, like cattle or swine, in lots to suit purchas- 
ers, is a crime ! that to forbid the instruction of almost one 
half of the Southern population, and also the circulation of 
the Iiible, under terrible pains and penalties, is to incur the 
displeasure of Heaven! that it would be right, safe, expedi- 
ent, to pay a laborer wages, recognise and treat him as a 



128 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

man, place him under the protection of equal laws, and 
cease brutalizing him without a cause ! Are these proposi- 
tions to be gravely discussed in the United States, in the 
nineteenth century ? Not by me, whatever others may think 
proper to do. For there is not a slaveholder in all the land, 
who does not as certainly know that he is a thief and a 
tyrant, as that he exists, — whether he claims to be a titled 
divine, or a Senator in Congress. How do I make good the 
assertion ? By condemning him out of his own mouth : for 
he acknowledges, that the sentiments contained in his coun- 
try's Declaration are true, yet dares to put an equal brother 
under his feet ! By appealing to his own nature : for, sooner 
than he would suffer himself to be placed in the condition 
of his slave, he would choose to encounter death in any 
form. No man ever yet hated his own flesh. Therefore, 
' thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself,' — and ' whatsoever 
ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to them.' 
' He that hath ears to hear, let him hear.' The day for 
admitting excuses has gone by ! No man may now plead 
ignorance of his duty. The motives for immediate action 
are overwhelming. More than three millions of men, women 
and children already in chains in our midst ; seventy thou- 
sand infants, the offspring of slave parents, annually kid- 
napped from their birth ; the right of petition trampled in 
the dust ; freedom of speech no longer tolerated ; the slave 
system defended as a divine institution by the rulers in Church 
and State ; and the whole country filled with pollution, vio- 
lence, and blood ; behold out situation, and what is to be our 
fate, as a people, if we will not amend our ways and our 
doings ! 

Still, envy, and effrontery, and falsehood, and Jesuitism, 
accuse me of hindering the work of emancipation! The 
Southern advocates of perpetual slavery, who fear and hate 
me exceedingly, make oath that I have prolonged the bond- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 129 

age of their slaves at least one century. The same charge 
is (inconsistently enough !) brought against me by the North- 
ern supporters of the bloody slave-system, who dread noth- 
ing so much as the liberation of the slaves. They who fear 
not God and regard not the black man, who riotously assem- 
ble together to destroy freedom of speech and of the 
press, whose only arguments are curses, brickbats and rotten 
eggs, who are anxious to give a coat of tar and feathers to 
every man who pities the oppressed, who offer rewards for 
my abduction and murder ; these publicly howl and mourn 
because I am an insurmountable obstacle to the deliverance 
of their oppressed colored brethren and sisters ! The 
men of wolf-like ferocity, who are multiplying the stripes 
upon the bodies of their victims, and making their yokes 
heavier and their chains more galling, and revelling in their 
blood, and basely withholding their wages, and excluding 
every ray of knowledge from their minds, and claiming a 
heaven-derived title to their bodies and souls, — these eagerly 
and unitedly affirm, that I am not only accountable for this 
new infliction of their cruelty, but positively rivetting those 
fetters which they themselves would gladly break, — at a 
more convenient season, — were I out of the way ! In short, 
all who swear eternal hostility to the colored population ; all 
who impiously maintain that the prejudices against them are 
natural, invincible, and beyond the power of religion to sub- 
due ; all who aim to banish them to a strange and barbarous 
land ; all who implore that they may have a little more 
sleep and a little more slumber ; all who are greedy of the 
gains of oppression ; and all who fear the threats of the 
oppressor more than they do the judgments of the Almighty, 
whatever may be their other differences of opinion, are sin- 
gularly agreed upon this one thing — that I am greatly hin- 
dering the emancipation, elevation and happiness of my 
enslaved countrymen ! Aside from other evidence, these 



130 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

declarations furnish conclusive proofs that my course is 
straight and direct, and that I am successfully doing the 
very thing that ought to be done for the overthrow of ' that 
most execrable villany,^ American slavery. When such 
men, continuing in their prejudices or oppressions, shall 
begin to approve of my course, and to recognise me as a 
co-worker, I shall then know to a certainty that I am as cor- 
rupt, as cruel, and as dishonest as they would fain make me 
appear. As rationally might it be said, that Fulton, by his 
application of steam power, has injured navigation ; or that 
the multiplication of rail-roads obstructs the transportation 
of goods, and diminishes the public travel. When the Prince 
of Evil vociferously declares, that you are not fighting 
to advantage against him, that you are wasting your powder 
and balls, and that you do not manage aright to dethrone 
him ; nay, that by your labors you are only building up, 
instead of subverting his dark kingdom ; and when he offers 
to show you how to lie in ambush, how to place your can- 
non, and how to carry on the siege against him, rely upon it, 
that he is still ' a liar from the beginning,' and that he feels 
his supremacy to be in danger. 

But let the unparalleled and glorious change wrought in 
public sentiment, since the establishment of the Liberator, 
through the potency of truth, determine whether my labors 
have been injurious or beneficial. Before the review is 
commenced, let it be premised, that the slave-system is 
one of the strongholds of the devil — perhaps the strong- 
est ; that it has been strengthening and enlarging itself for 
more than two hundred years ; that it is a combination of 
almost every conceivable crime against God or man — such 
as robbery, cruelty, lewdness, adultery, blasphemy, oppres- 
sion, soul-murder, &c. &c. ; and that the necessary conse- 
quences of a righteous and vigorous attack upon it must be 
a stirring up of the fury and resistance of the oppressors, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 131 

and a shaking of tlie nation that has so long tolerated it. 
A few years ago, was not the land slumbering in the lap of 
moral death, upon this subject? Who did not deride or 
oppose the doctrines that I then promulgated ? Where was 
there one society organized with the doctrine of ' immediate 
emancipation ' as its basis ? Who wished me God-speed ? 
How many stood by me, — how many encouraged me, — 
how many patronized the Liberator ? What agents occu- 
pied the field, and dispensed light to the people ? Look 
back only two years ago, and see how mighty has been the 
growth of our cause during that brief period ! Since the 
days of Luther, has the world witnessed so rapid a transfor- 
mation in public sentiment, amidst equal difficulties, trials 
and sacrifices ? It was with difficulty that a small body of 
men could then defray their expenses to Philadelphia, to 
form an Anti-Slavery Convention ! They were opulent in 
faith, but without money in their purse. Yet they assembled 
together, and were a gazing-stock to the nation. They 
prayed, and pleaded, and resolved, as did they of old, of 
whom the world was not worthy ; and they enunciated truths 
that have shaken the system of slavery to its foundation. 
W^here now is that other monster, who lifted his proud crest 
to heaven, seemingly invincible in his strength, — the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society? Struggling in the agonies of 
dissolution ! Look, now, at that powerful association, the 
American Anti-Slavery Society ! Look at seven flourishing 
State Societies ! Look at one thousand auxiliary societies, 
and see them multiplying daily ! Look at the flood of our 
publications sweeping through the land, and carrying joy, 
and hope, and life, and fertility, wherever they go ! See 
how many presses have espoused our cause ! See how 
many agents are in the field, how many pens employed, how 
many tongues loosed, how many prayers oftcred ! And the 
stream of sympathy still rolls on — its impetus is increasing; 



132 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and it must ere long sweep away the pollutions of slavery. 
What then ? Do I boast of this as my work ? God forbid ! 
To Him be all the glory and renown. But, as an instrument, 
he has honored my labors ; he has induced a great multitude 
of wise and good men, and holy women, to adopt my views 
and principles ; and he has thus confounded those who would 
fain make it appear, that I have labored worse than in vain. 
The work is his — the cause is his — and his shall be the vic- 
tory. ' Not unto us, not unto us, but unto thy name, O Lord, 
be the glory ! ' 

The sins of abolitionists are those of omission, rather than 
of commission. We do not yet reason, and feel, and act, 
precisely as if our wives and daughters were given over to 
the tender mercies of lewd and brutal wretches, or our chil- 
dren were liable to be sold to the slave speculators at any 
moment, or the chains were about to be fastened upon our 
own free limbs. They who accuse us of being uncharitable 
in spirit, harsh in speech, personal in denunciation, have no 
sympathy with the oppressed, and therefore are disqualified 
to sit in judgment upon our conduct. They do not regard 
the negro race as equal to the Anglo-Saxon ; hence it is 
impossible for them to resent a wrong or an outrage done to 
a black man as they would to a white. In regard to their 
own rights and enjoyments, they are sensitively alive to the 
slightest encroachments upon them. Touch but their inter- 
ests, however lightly, conflict with their prerogatives, how- 
ever gently, injure their persons, however triflingly, and see 
how they will flame, and denounce, and threaten! Such 
men are condemned out of their own mouths. Let no heed 
be given to what they say of our principles and measures. 
Their criticism is as false as their philanthropy is spurious. 
They make great pretensions to prudence, which means 
moral cowardice ; to gentleness of spirit, which means 
total insensibility ; to moderation, which means stony-heart- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 133 

edness ; to candor and impartiality, which mean favoritism 
and spleen ; to evangelical piety, which means cant and 
bigotry. 

But I will not enlarge upon this point. If Southern slave- 
holders, and their apologists, cannot endure our rebukes, 
how will they be able to bear the awful retributions of 
Heaven, w^hich must inevitably overwhelm them, unless they 
speedily repent ? I am ready to make a truce witli the 
South : if she will give up her stolen property, I will no 
longer brand her as a thief; if she will desist from driving 
woman into the field, like a beast, under the lash of a brutal 
overseer, — from stealing infants, from trafficking in human 
flesh, from keeping back the hire of the laborer by fraud — 
I will agree not to call her a monster ; if she will honor the 
marriage institution, and sacredly respect the relations of 
life, and no longer license incest, pollution and adultery, I 
will not represent her as Sodomitish in spirit and practice ; 
if she will no longer prevent the unobstructed circulation of 
the Scriptures, and the intellectual and religious educa- 
tion of her benighted population, I will not stigmatize her 
as practically atheistical. In short, if she will abolish her 
cruel slave-system, root and branch, at once and for ever, 
we will instantly disband all our anti-slavery societies, and 
no longer agitate the land. But, until she thus act, we shall 
increase, instead of relaxing our efforts — multiply, instead of 
diminishing our associations — and make our rebukes more 
terrible than ever ! 

' If wc have whispered truth, 

Whisper no longer ; 
But speak as the tempest docs, 

Sterner and stronger ! ' 



12 



134 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



lung nf tljie atnlitinnist 
I. 

I AM an Abolitionist ! 

I glory in the name ; 
Though now by Slavery's minions hissed, 

And covered o'er with shame : 
It is a spell of light and power — 

The watchword of the free : — 
"Who spurns it in the trial-hour, 

A craven soul is he ! 

II. 

I am an Abolitionist ! 

Then urge me not to pause ; 
For joyfully do I enlist 

In Freedom's sacred cause : 
A nobler strife the world ne'er saw, 

Th' enslaved to disenthral ; 
I am a soldier for the war, 

"Whatever may befall ! 

III. 

I am an Abolitionist ! 

Oppression's deadly foe ; 
In God's great strength will I resist, 

And lay the monster low ; 
In God's great name do I demand, 

To all be freedom given, 
That peace and joy may fill the land, 

And songs go up to heaven ! 

IV. 

I am an Abolitionist! 

No threats shall awe my soul — 
No perils cause me to desist — 

No bribes my acts control ; 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 135 

A freeman will I live and die, 

In sunshine and in shade, 
And raise my voice for liberty, 

Of nought on earth afraid. 

V. 

I am an Abolitionist — 

The tyrant's hate and dread — 
The friend of all who are oppressed — 

A price is on my head ! 
My country is the wide, wide world, 

My countrymen mankind : — 
Down to the dust be Slavery hurled ! 

All servile chains unbind! 



They tell me, Liberty ! that, in thy name, 
I may not plead for all the human race ; 
That some are born to bondage and disgrace. 

Some to a heritage of wo and shame, 

And some to power supreme, and glorious fame. 
With my whole soul, I spurn the doctrine base, 
And, as an equal brotherhood, embrace 

All people, and for all fair freedom claim ! 

Know this, O man ! whatc'er thy earthly fate — 
God never made a tyrant, nor a slave : 

Wo, then, to those Avho dare to desecrate 
His glorious image ! — for to all He gave 

Eternal riglits, which none may violate ; 
And by a mighty hand, th* oppressed He yet shall save. 



186 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Cost what it may, every slave on the American soil must 
be liberated from his chains. Nothing is to be put in com- 
petition, on the score of value, with the price of his liberty ; 
for whatever conflicts with the rights of man must be evil, 
and therefore intrinsically worthless. Are we to be intimi- 
dated from defending his cause by the fear of consequen- 
ces ? Is it, then, safe to do wrong ? $ Has a just God so 
ordered it, that the strong may oppress the weak, the rich 
defraud the poor, the merciless torture the innocent, not only 
without guilt, but with benefit to mankind ? Is there no 
similitude between the seed that is sown, and the harvest 
which it brings forth ? Have cause and effect ceased to 
retain an indissoluble connection with each other .? On such 
a plea, what crime may not be committed with impunity ? 
what deed of villany may not demand exemption from 
rebuke .'' what system of depravity may not claim protection 
against the assaults of virtue ? 

Let not those who say, that the path of obedience is a 
dangerous one, claim to believe in the living and true God. 
They deny his omniscience, omnipresence, omnipotence. It 
is his will, that the bands of wickedness should be loosed, the 
heavy burdens of tyranny undone, the oppressed set free. 
They reject it as absurd, impracticable, dangerous. It is his 
promise, that the results of emancipation shall be noon-day 
light for darkness, health for disease, fertility for barrenness, 
prosperity like a spring of water whose waters fail not, the 
building up of old waste places, the restoring of paths to dwell 
in, the glory of the Lord for a rereward, and his guidance 
continually ! They affirm, that the promise is worthless, and 
to disregard it is a duty. They exalt the Spirit of Evil above 
all that is called God, and raise an Ephesian clamor against 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 137 

those who will not fall down and worship it. Yet they put 
on the garb of religion ; they extol faith, hope, charity ; they 
build and dedicate temples of worship, in the name of Christ ; 
they profess to be the disciples of Him who came to pro- 
claim liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison 
to them that are bound. Unblushing hypocrites ! think not, 
by your pious dissembling, to hide your iniquity from the 
pure in heart, or to ' circumvent God ' ! Impious contem- 
ners of Divine wisdom and goodness ! from your compan- 
ionship, the spirits of the free shrink with horror ! 

For more than two centuries, slavery has polluted the 
American soil. It has grown with the growth, and strength- 
ened with the strength of the republic. Its victims have 
multiplied, from a single cargo of stolen Africans, to three 
millions of native-born inhabitants. In our colonial state, it 
was deemed compatible with loyalty to the mother country. 
In our revolutionary struggle for independence, it exchanged 
the sceptre of monarchy for the star-spangled banner of 
republicanism, under the folds of which it has found ample 
encouragement and protection. From the days of the Puri- 
tans down to the present time, it has been sanctified by the 
religion, and upheld by the patriotism of the nation. From 
the adoption of the American Constitution, it has declared 
war and made peace, instituted and destroyed national banks 
and tariffs, controlled the army and navy, prescribed the 
policy of the government, ruled in both houses of Congress, 
occupied the Presidential chair, governed the political parties, 
distributed offices of trust and emolument among its worship- 
pers, fettered Northern industry and enterprise, and trampled 
liberty of speech and of conscience in the dust. 

It has exercised absolute mastery over the American 

Church. In her skirts is found ' the blood of the souls of 

the poor innocents.' With the Bible in their hands, her 

priesthood have attempted to prove that slavery came down 

12* 



138 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

from God out of heaven. They have become slave-owners 
and dealers in human flesh. They have justified robbery, 
adultery, barbarity, man-stealing and murder, on a frightful 
scale. They have been among the foremost to crush the 
sacred cause of emancipation, to cover its advocates with 
infamy, to oppose the purification of the Church. They 
have become possessors of the flock, whom they slay, ' and 
hold themselves not guilty ; and they that sell them say, 
Blessed be the Lord, for I am rich : and their own shepherds 
pity them not.' 

If slavery be thus entwined around the civil, social, and 
pecuniary interests of the republic — if the religious sects and 
political parties are banded together for its safety from inter- 
nal revolt and external opposition — if the people, awed by 
its power and corrupted by its influence, are basely bending 
their knees at its footstool — is it wonderful that Church and 
State are shaken to their foundations by the rallying cry of 
Liberty, ' To the rescue ! ' in behalf of imbruted humanity ? 
Or should it be accounted marvellous, that they who have 
sternly resolved to efiect the utter overthrow of this frightful 
usurpation are subjected to persecution, reproach, loss of 
character, and the hazard of life ? Constituting the ' forlorn 
hope ' in the struggling cause of freedom, they must be pre- 
pared to meet all the vicissitudes of the conflict, and to 
make whatever sacrifices may be needed to achieve the vic- 
tory. Hereafter, when the song of jubilee shall be sung by 
those for whose deliverance they toiled so devotedly, their 
deeds and their memories shall be covered with a halo of 
glory, and held in grateful remembrance by enfranchised 
millions. 

Slavery must be overthrown. No matter how numerous 
the difficulties, how formidable the obstacles, how strong the 
foes to be vanquished — slavery must cease to pollute the 
land. No matter, whether the event be near or remote. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 139 

whether the taskmaster ^willingly or unwillingly relinquish 
his arbitrary power, whether by a peaceful or a bloody pro- 
cess — slavery must die.. ^No matter, though, to effect it, 
every party should be torn by dissensions, every sect dashed 
into fragments, the national compact dissolved, the land filled 
with Ihe horrors of a civil and a servile war — still, slavery 
must be buried in the grave of infamy, beyond the possibility 
of a resurrection.""/ If the State cannot survive the anti-sla- 
very agitation, then let the State perish. If the Church 
must be cast down by the strugglings of Humanity to be free, 
then let the Church fall, and its fragments be scattered to 
the four winds of heaven, never more to curse the earth. If 
the American Union cannot be maintained, except by immo- 
lating human freedom on the altar of tyranny, then let the 
American Union be consumed by a living thunderbolt, and 
no tear be shed over its ashes. If the Republic must be 
blotted out from the roll of nations, by proclaiming liberty 
to the captives, then let the Republic sink beneath the waves 
of oblivion, and a shout of joy, louder than the voice of many 
waters, fill the universe at its extinction. 

Against this declaration, none but traitors and tyrants will 
raise an outcry. It is the mandate of Heaven, and the voice 
of God. It has righteousness for its foundation, reason for 
its authority, and truth for its support. It is not vindictive 
but merciful, not violent but pacific, not destructive but pre- 
servative. It is simply asserting the supremacy of right 
over wrong, of liberty over slavery, of God over man. It 
is only raising the standard of rectitude from the dust, and 
placing it on the eternal throne. 

The Party or Sect that will suffer by the triumph of jus- 
tice cannot exist with safety to mankind. The State that 
cannot tolerate universal freedom must be despotic ; and no 
valid reason can be given why despotism should not at once 
be hurled to the dust. The Church that is endangered by 



/ 



140 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the proclamation of eternal truth, and that trades in slaves 
and souls of men, is ' the habitation of devils, and the hold 
of every foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hate- 
ful bird ; therefore shall her plagues come in one day, death, 
and mourning, and famine ; and she shall be utterly burned 
with fire : for strong is the Lord God who judge th her.' 
The Union that can be perpetuated only by enslaving a por- 
tion of the people is ' a covenant with death, and an agree- 
ment with hell,' and destined to be broken in pieces as a 
potter's vessel. When judgment is laid to the line, and 
righteousness to the plummet, the hail shall sweep away the 
refuge of lies, and the waters shall overflow the hiding-place. 
The Republic that depends for its stability on making war 
against the government of God and the rights of man, though 
it exalt itself as the eagle, and set its nest among the stars, 
shall be cast into the bottomless deep, and the loss of it shall 
be a gain to the world. 

There must be no compromise with slavery — none 
whatever. Nothing is gained, every thing is lost, by subor- 
dinating principle to expediency. The spirit of freedom 
must be inexorable in its demand for the instant release of 
all who are sighing in bondage, nor abate one jot or tittle of 
its righteous claims. By one remorseless grasp, the rights 
of humanity have been taken away ; and by one strong blow, 
the iron hand of usurpation must be made to relinquish its 
hold. The apologist for oppression becomes himself the 
oppressor. To palliate crime is to be guilty of its perpetra- 
tion. To ask for a postponement of the case, till a more 
convenient season, is to call for a suspension of the moral 
law, and to assume that it is right to do wrong, under present 
circumstances. Talk not of other questions to be settled, 
of other interests to be secured, of other objects to be attain- 
ed, before the slave can have his fetters broken. Nothing 
can take precedence of the question of liberty. No interest 



WILLIAIM LLOYD GARRISON. 141 

is SO momentous as that which involves ' the life of the soul ; ' 
no object so glorious as the restoration of a man to himself. 
It is idle to talk of human concerns, where there are not 
human beings. Slavery annihilates manhood, and puts down 
in its crimson ledger as chattels personal, those who are cre- 
ated in the image of God. Hence, it tramples under foot 
whatever pertains to human safety, human prosperity, human 
happiness. Hence, too, its overthrow is the primary object 
to be sought, in order to secure private advantage and pro- 
mote the public weal. 

In the present struggle, the test of character is as infalli- 
ble as it is simple. He that is with the slaveholder is against 
the slave : he that is with the slave is against the slaveholder. 
He that thinks, speaks, acts, on the subject of slavery, in 
accordance with the feelings and wishes of the tyrant, does 
every thing to perpetuate the thraldom of his victims. 
When was it ever known for tyranny to devise and execute 
effective measures for its own overthrow ? Or for the 
oppressor and the oppressed to be agreed on the great ques- 
tion of equal rights ? Who talks of occupying neutral 
ground between these hostile parties ? of reconciling them, 
by prolonging the sufferings of the one, and the cruelty of 
the other ? of mutually satisfying them as to the means and 
the plan by which the rod and the chain shall be broken ? I 
tell such vain babbler, or crafty hypocrite, that he is acting 
the part of a fool or a knave. Impossibilities are impossi- 
bilities ; and to propose their adoption, as the only rational 
methods by which to dethrone injustice, is an insult to 
human intelligence. Slavery cannot be conquered by flat- 
tery or stratagem. Its dying throes will convulse the land 
and sea. 

Abolitionists! friends of liberty ! remember that the foe 
with whom you are in conflict is full ' of all deccivableness 
of unrighteousness,' and will resort to every artifice to make 



142 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

you quit the field. Put on the whole armor of God ; so 
shall you be invulnerable and invincible ; so shall no weapon 
against you prosper. The war admits of no parley. No 
flag of truce must be sent or received by you ; you must 
neither give nor take any quarters. As Samuel hewed Agag 
in pieces, so, with the battle-axe of Truth, you must cleave 
Slavery to the ground, and give its carcass to the fowls of 
the air. May Heaven reinspire your hearts, give new vigor 
to your arms, direct you blows aright, fill the breast of the 
enemy with dismay, and grant you a splendid victory ! 



)n rnmplHitig mtt (Kljirttj-/iftli ^^But; 

DECEMBER 10, 1840. 

If, to the age of threescore years and ten, 

God of my life ! thou shalt my term prolong, 
Still be it mine to reprobate all wrong, 

And save from wo my suffering fellow-men. 

"Whether, in Freedom's cause, my voice or pen 
Be used by thee, who art my joy and song, 
To vindicate the weak against the strong, 

Upon my labors rest thy benison ! 

O ! not for Afric's sons alone I plead. 
Or her descendants ; but for all who sigh 

In servile chains, whate'er their caste or creed : 
They not in vain to Heaven send up their cry ; 

For all mankind from bondage shall be freed, 
And from the earth be chased all forms of tyranny. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 143 



Sir — Whatever respect I have cherished, hitherto, for 
your character as a patriot and statesman, has fled on 
perusing your late speech in Faneuil Hall. In my opinion, 
there is not more of moral turpitude in firing a whole city, 
than in the delivery of such a speech, in such a place, on 
such an occasion, and under such circumstances. There 
seems to be no flesh in your heart. You are a man — and 
yet the eulogist of those tyrants, who are trampling your 
brother in the dust ! You are a husband — a parent — 
and yet join in upholding a traflic and a system, which ruth- 
lessly sunder the holiest ties of life ! You are an Ameri- 
can — and yet can look complacently, nay, approvingly, 
upon the brutal enslavement of more than one-sixth portion 
of YOUR OWN COUNTRYMEN ! I was about to add, you are 
a Christian — but I dare not thus libel Christianity. ' He 
that saith he is in the light, and hateth his brother, is in 



* The speech which elicited this Letter was made at the groat 
Anti- Abolition Meeting which -was held in Faneuil Hall, August 
21, 1835. Among other speakers on that occasion were Hon. 
Harrison Gray Otis and Richard Fletcher, Esq. The period 
was one of the hottest excitement against the abolitionists, in 
Boston, and in all parts of the country. Among the evil conse- 
quences of this meeting was the memorable mob, boastingly com- 
posed of 'five thousand gentlemen of property and standing,' on 
the 21st of October, which, in broad daylight, assailed a meeting of 
the Female Anti-Slavery Society, held at 46 Washington Street, 
violently dispersed it, overawed the city authorities, and seized Mr. 
Garrison, for the purpose of wreaking their fury upon him, who, 
after being nearly stripped of his clothing, was with dilHculty 
rescued out of their hands, and had to be temporarily committed to 
the jail in Leverett Street, to save his life ! [See Appendix.] 



144 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

darkness even until now.' ' If a man say, I love God, and 
hateth his brother, he is a liar. For he that loveth not his 
brother whom he hath seen, how can he love God whom he 
hath not seen.^ ' You have dared to stand up, even in the 
Old Cradle of Liberty, hostile to human freedom ; you 
have sought to base the pillal's of your popularity upon the 
necks of down-trodden millions ; and you have uttered sen- 
timents, which elicit thunders of applause from all that is 
loathsome in impurity, hateful in revenge, base in extortion, 
dastardly in oppression. You are in amicable companion- 
ship and popular repute with thieves and adulterers ; with 
slave-holders, slave-breeders, slave-dealers, slave-destroyers ; 
with those who trample law and order beneath their feet ; 
with the plunderers of the public mail ; with ruffians who 
insult, pollute and lacerate helpless women ; and with con- 
spirators against the lives and liberties of New England 
citizens. These facts are undeniable. Talk not of more 
honorable associates : none are honorable, who throw the 
weight of their influence into the scale of oppression. 

You affect to thhik that the abolitionists are laboring in 
the wrong section of the Union. You insinuate, that, while 
they preach the doctrine, ' We must do right, regardless of 
consequences,' none are more craven in spirit ; and add — 

* They insist, that it is right that they should urge their doctrines 
for the conviction of the South. Ask them why they do not go 
and preach them there, where they most desire to make converts — 
they reply, Why ! we should be in danger of our lives ! Then 
they begin to think of consequences. So that the practical result 
of that proposition, which sounds so well in the abstract, is, that 
they are to go on regardless of consequences to others, but not 
without a due regard to themselves.' 

Sir, there may be wit, but there is little truth, in the above 
extract. To do right, is always to regard consequences, 
both to ourselves and to others. Since you are pleased to 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 145 

banter us for prosecuting our labors at the North, I will take 
for my text the interrogation that is so constantly, either by 
ignorance or impudence, propounded to us. It is this : — 

' Why don't you go to the South ? ' 

I proudly answer — Not because we are afraid to go 
there. Not because we are not prepared for danger, per- 
secution, outrage, and death. Not because the dungeon or 
the halter, the rack or the stake, appals us. Yet the ques- 
tion is sneeringly put, and sometimes with murder evidently 
in the heart, as if we were deficient in fortitude and courage, 
with all our seeming boldness. ' O, forsooth ! it is very safe 
and convenient for Mr. Garrison to denounce the holders of 
slaves a thousand miles off, in Boston ! A great deal of 
heroism is required to do this ! But he is very careful to 
keep out of the slave States. Why don't he go to the 
South ? Let him go there, and denounce slavery, and we 
will then believe that he is sincere.' This is the language 
which is constantly uttered — by men, too, permit me to say, 
who have never peculiarly signalized themselves in any 
hazardous enterprise, whether moral or physical. I am vain 
enough to believe, that those who bring this charge of cow- 
ardice against me do not doubt my readiness to go wherever 
duty requires. Will they give me no credit for having pub- 
lished an anti-slavery publication in Maryland, as long as it 
could be sustained by a meagre patronage ? — a publication 
in which my denunciations of slavery and slaveholders were 
as severe as any to be found in the Liberator. Did my 
spirit quail under my imprisonment in a Southern cell ? Is 
it true, that I am hazarding nothing by my advocacy of the 
cause of emancipation, even in Boston ? Has no endurance, 
no unusual courage, been required to oppose all classes of 
society, and to sustain the odium, derision and hatred of a 
slaveholding nation ? Is it nothing to have large rewards 
offered by a Southern legislature, and by private combina- 
13 



146 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

tions, for my seizure and destruction ? Sir, the slavehold- 
ers of the South may call me a fanatic — they may call 
me a madman, or an incendiary, or an agitator, and believe 
me to be such ; but to call me a coward — that is an epithet 
which they have too much good sense to apply to me. 
They regard me in any other light than that of a craven : 
all the trembling, and shrinking, and alarm, is felt and man- 
ifested on their part — not on mine. I may be rash — I 
may be obstinate — but no fear of man shall deter me from 
a faithful discharge of my duty to the oppressed. As for 
mere animal courage, it is nothing to excel in it — no proof 
of true bravery. 

* Why don't you go to the South?' 

Why, Sir, when we denounce the tyranny exercised over 
the miserable Poles, do we not go into the dominions of the 
Russian autocrat, and beard him to his face ? Why not go 
to Constantinople, and protest against the oppression of the 
Greeks ? Why assail the despotic governments of Europe 
here in the United States.? Why, then, should we go into 
the slaveholding States, to assail their towering wickedness, 
at a time when we are sure that we should be gagged, or 
imprisoned, or put to death, if we went thither.? Why 
rashly throw ourselves into the ocean, or commit ourselves 
to the flames, or cast ourselves into the jaws of the lion ? 
Understand me, Sir. I do not mean to say, that even the 
certainty of destruction is, in itself, a valid reason for our 
refusing to go to the South ; for we are bound to take up 
any cross, or incur any peril, in the discharge of our duty 
to God and our suffering brother. Prove to me that it is 
imperatively my duty, in view of all the circumstances of 
the case, to locate myself among slaveholders, and I will 
not hesitate to do so, though (to borrow the strong language 
of Martin Luther) every tile upon their houses were a 
devil. Moral courage — duty — self-consecration — all have 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 147 

their proper limits. When He who knew no fear — the im- 
maculate Redeemer — saw that his enemies intended to cast 
him down from the brow of a hill, he prudently withdrew 
from their midst. When he sent forth his apostles, he said 
unto them, ' When they persecute you in one city, flee ye 
into another.' Was there any cowardice in this conduct, or 
in this advice ? 

' Why don't you go to the South ? ' 

If we should go there, and fall — as fall we certainly 
should — martyrs to our zeal, our enemies would still call 
us, what we then should deserve to be called, fanatics and 
madmen. Pointing at our mangled bodies, they would com- 
mence their derisions afresh. ' Poor fools ! ' they would 
exclaim — ' insane enthusiasts! thus to rush into the cage of 
the tiger, with the certain knowledge that he would tear them 
in pieces ! ' And this, Sir, would be the eulogy which they 
would pronounce over us ! 

'Why don't you go to the South?' 

Because it is essential that the beam should first be cast 
out of the eyes of the people of the free States, before they 
attempt to cast out the mote in the eyes of the people of the 
slave States. Because they who denounce fraud, and 
cruelty, and oppression, should first become honest, and 
merciful, and free, themselves. ' Thou that sayest, a man 
should not steal — dost thou steal ? ' Thou that preachest, 
a man should not be a slaveholder — art thou a slaveholder? 
' Physician, heal thyself! ' 

' Why don't you go to the South ? ' 

Have I answered the question satisfactorily ? If not, Sir, 
you will help me to additional reasons for our staying here 
at the North, in my answer to another question, which is 
iterated on all occasions, as if it for ever ended the contro- 
versy — viz. : 

' What have we to do with Southern slavery ? ' 



148 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

This question is put, sometimes with reference to legisla- 
tion — at other times, it refers to moral obligation. I answer, 
then, that we, the people of the United States, have 
legislated on the subject of slavery, and we have a right to 
legislate upon it, within certain limits. As to our moral 
obligation, it belongs to our nature, and is a part of our ac- 
countability, of which neither time nor distance, neither 
climate nor location, neither republican nor monarchical 
government, can divest us. Let there be but one slave on 
;the face of the globe — let him stand on one extremity of 
the globe, and place me on the other — let every people, 
and tribe, and clime, and nation, stand as barriers between 
him and myself: still, I am bound to sympathise with him — 
to pray, and toil, and plead for his deliverance — to make 
known his wrongs, and vindicate his rights. It may not be 
in my power, it may not be my duty, directly to emancipate 
him ; for the power rests in the hands of the tyrant who 
keeps him in chains, and it is his duty to break them asunder. 
But it matters not, except to demand an increase of zeal and 
activity, if every interposing tribe or nation, if the whole 
world is to be changed, before that solitary slave can go 
free. Then I will begin with him who stands next by my 
side, and with my associates, and with my country ; and if 
the impulse must be sent by proxy, if every man, woman 
.ar^d child must be abolitionised by detail, before the captive 
can be disenthralled, I am nevertheless bound to commence 
the work, if no others will, and to co-operate with them if 
they have begun it. Why? Because he is my neighbor, 
though occupying the remotest point of the earth ; and I am 
charged by Him, ' who spake as never man spake,' to 
love my neighbor as myself. Because he is my brother, 
for whom Christ died ; and if Christ estimated him so highly 
as to die for him, then, surely, he is an object worthy of my 
sympathy and regard. Because by his enslavement, man is 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 149 

no longer recognised as man, but as~a brute, and our whole 
species is degraded. Because by it the laws of nature and 
of spirit are violated, the moral government of the universe 
is rebelled against, and God is insulted and dethroned, by 
the usurpation of his power and authority. Because by it 
an example is set, which, if passively submitted to, may 
lead to the enslavement of others — of a community — of a 
people — of myself. Enslave but a single human being, 
and the liberty of the world is put in peril. Nay, all the 
slavery that exists — all the tyranny of past ages — origi- 
nated from a single act of oppression, committed upon some 
helpless and degraded being. Hence it is, that, whether I 
contemplate slavery singly or in the aggregate, my soul 
kindles within me — the entire man is moved with indigna- 
tion and abhorrence — I cannot pause, I cannot slumber — 
I am ready for attack, and will admit of no truce, and of no 
compromise. The war is a war of extermination ; and I 
will perish before an inch shall be surrendered, seeing that 
the liberties of mankind, the happiness and harmony of the 
universe, and the authority and majesty of Almighty God, 
are involved in the issue. 

If, Sir, I am again asked, ' What have we to do with 
slavery ? ' I answer by a retort — ' What have we to do 
with heathenism ? ' And yet — 

• From Greenland's icy mountains, 
To India's coral strand ' — 

from frozen Labrador to the sunny plains of Palestine — 
from the rivers to the ends of the earth — from the rising of 
the sun to its going down — our missionary line is extended, 
and we are continually sending out fresh troops to invade 
the dominions, and destroy the supremacy of the Man of 
Sin, and of the false Prophet — and Juggernaut is tottcM-ing 
to his fall ; we are disregarding institutions and laws, cus- 
13* 



150 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

toms and ceremonies, governments and rulers, prohibitions 
and penalties ; we are setting ' a man at variance against 
his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the 
daughter-in-law against her mother-in-law ; ' and we make a 
man's foes to be they of his own household ; we are troub- 
ling the peace of Africa, of Asia, of the isles of the sea, 
and seeking to turn the w^orld upside down, that He may 
•come whose right it is to reign. 

What have we to do with intemperance in England and 
France ? And yet, Sir, we sent out to those countries the 
Apostle of Temperance, to scatter light, to reveal iniquity, 
to prick the consciences of men, to preach of righteousness, 
temperance, and a judgment to come — and to sow the 
seeds of holy strife between the distillers, the importers, the 
rum-sellers and the rum-drinkers, on the one hand, in those 
countries, and the friends of sobriety, mercy and good will, 
on the other. 

What have we to do with Southern slavery ? What has 
England to do with it ? And yet, a few years since, the 
American Colonization Society (of which, Mr. Sprague, you 
are a champion) sent out an agent to that country, to pro- 
cure the charities of her philanthropists, in order to under- 
mine and abolish American slavery — this being the great 
object of the Society, as stated to the British public by that 
agent. Now, if Old England may meddle with this ' deli- 
cate ' subject, surely New England may venture to do so 
likewise. If that which is remote, is or ought to be inter- 
ested in the abolition of American slavery, how much more 
that which is near ! 

Sir, what have we — what has Congress — to do with the 
oppression of the Greeks and Poles ? And yet, as a people, 
how have we prayed for their deliverance ! how warmly 
have we denounced Russia and Turkey ! how cheerfully 
have we taxed ourselves to send food and raiment, men and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 151 

money, banners and arms, in aid of the brave and strug- 
gling champions of liberty ! how have we lifted up our 
voices to cheer them onward in the strife of blood ! how 
have we taken them to our arms, when they were crushed 
and scattered abroad, and given them an asylum, and bound 
up their wounds, and comforted their souls ! what speeches 
have been made in their behalf upon the floor of Congress ! 
Now, Sir, have we so much to do with foreign, and nothing 
to do with domestic oppression — an oppression far more 
dreadful than that which the Greek or Pole has ever suf- 
fered ? 

What had the South to do with the ' three days ' in Paris — 
the overthrow of tyranny in France ? And yet, in honor 
of that sanguinary event, the patriotic slaveholders of Bal- 
timore, and Richmond, and Charleston, kindled bonfires, 
illuminated their dwellings, rung the bells, fired cannon, 
formed processions, made orations, devoured dinners, and 
ingurgitated toasts, even to ebriety ! 

What had Lafayette to do with the quarrel about liberty 
between us and the mother country ? Shall we apply to 
him the infamous epithets which you have cast upon our 
moral Lafayette ? Shall we call him ' a foreign emissary,' 
' a professed agitator,' and talk of his ' audacious interfer- 
ence ' ? Should he have been sent back to ' prostrate the 
triple power of the Priesthood, the Aristocracy, and the 
Throne ? ' Sir, will you answer these questions ? 

You venture the assertion, ' that the agitators here are 
few, and that even the whole number of those who have 
permitted their names to be enrolled in these societies is 
small.' Perhaps this conviction furnishes the principal rea- 
son why you are found in opposition to them; for, to borrow 
the classical language of your admirer, the Richmoni] Whig, 
politicians ' know too well which side their bread is buttered 
on,' ever to be caught supporting the cause of moral reform 



152 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

in its unpopular stages. Let New England become thor- 
oughly abolitionised, and you, our distinguished opponents 
who now tower so loftily, will at once ' hide your diminished 
heads,' and become the obsequious followers of public sen- 
timent ! Not one of you will be found in the minority ! 
About once in every six months, the abolitionists are scat- 
tered to the winds of heaven by their spasmodic opponents, 
who rush upon them like a hurricane, fill the air with feath- 
ers, brickbats, and all sorts of argumentative missiles, and 
burn and destroy all before them ! Semi-annually, too, the 
Constitution is triumphant ! Still, the ghost of murdered 
Banquo ' will not down.' In a short time, the abolitionists 
are seen in mulitudinous array every where, marching from 
village to village, from city to city, from State to State, 
augmenting their number at every step, and evidently invig- 
orated by the respite from their labors which the storm 
enabled them to take. Once more, however, they have 
been utterly annihilated — and again has the Constitution 
been rescued from the hand of treason ! It is more than 
probable, that the world will soon witness another miracle of 
restoration; for Truth, like our Savior, may be scourged, 
and crucified, and buried — and the tomb maybe sealed, 
and a watch set — but it has a divine energy in itself, that 
will burst the cerements of the grave, and reign triumphant 
over death. Nay, even the Courier and Enquirer begins 
already to despond ! Hear it — 'It is dreadful to contem- 
plate the short period of time which has elapsed since these 
abolitionists were a mere handful, to the multitude they 
have since become.' So, then, we derive from our oppo- 
nents these instructive but paradoxical facts — that without 
numbers, we are multitudinous; without power, we are sap- 
ping the foundation of the confederacy ; without a plan, we 
are hastening the abolition of slavery ; and without wealth 
or talent, we are rapidly converting the nation ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 153 

Sir, the success of any great moral enterprise docs not 
depend upon numbers. Slavery will be overthrown long 
before a majority of all the people shall have called, volun- 
tarily and on the score of principle, for its abolition. Ten 
righteous men would have saved Sodom. Even in a physi- 
cal campaign, how often is a subordinate force victorious ! 
What, then, is the promise to those who engage in a moral 
contest, that God may be glorified, and a rebellious world 
subdued ? ' One shall chase a thousand, and two put ten 
thousand to flight.' This has recently been fulfilled before 
our eyes, in the cause of temperance — and its faithfulness 
is continually verified in the strife of Truth with Error 
Cowardice, shame and irresolution are the treacherous com 
panions of wickedness, and they readily yield to courage 
virtue and integrity. Sir, we may be branded with oppro 
brious epithets — we may be called ' agitators,' or ' fanatics, 
or ' incendiaries ' — but we deem it a very small thing to be 
judged of man's, and especially of a politician's judgment. 
Ours is that fanaticism which listens to the voice of God, 
which believes his promises and obeys his commandments, 
which remembers those in bonds as bound whh them. Ours 
is the agitation of humanity in view of cruelty — of virtue 
in opposition to pollution — of holiness against, impiety. It 
is the agitation of thunder and lightning, to purify a corrupt 
atmosphere — of the storm, to give new vigor and freshness 
to field and forest. Ours is the incendiary spirit of truth, 
that burns up error — of freedom, that melts the fetters of 
the bondman — of impartial love, that warms every breast 
with the sacred fire of heaven. Could any men but those 
of extraordinary moral courage and endurance sustain, un- 
flinchingly, a contest which requires such loss of reputation, 
and such hazard of property and life ? They are the win- 
nowing of the nation. Indeed, a perfect analogy is seen in 
the history of the abolition of the foreign slave-trade, as 



154 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

contrasted with the present anti-slavery struggle. The ven- 
erable Clarkson, at the close of his instructive History, 
makes the following remarkable statement — remarkable, 
because it exactly applies to the moral separation which is 
now taking place in our land on the great question of eman- 
cipation. Of the conflict in Great Britain, he says — 

' It has been useful, also, in the discrimination of moral character. 
In private life, it has enabled us to distinguish the virtuous from 
Ihe more vicious part of the community. I have had occasion to 
know many thousand persons in the course of my travels on this 
subject ; and I can truly say, that the part which these took on this 
great question was always a true criterion of their moral character. 
It has shown the general philanthropist. It has unmasked the vi- 
cious, in spite of his pretension to virtue. It has separated the 
moral statesman from the wicked politician. It has shown us who, 
in the legislative and executive offices of our country, are fit to 
save, and who to destroy a nation.' 

Sir, the ground that you and your colleagues maintain is, 
that the free States are not involved in the guilt of slavery ; 
that we have no right, morally, (for as to our political right, 
there is no difference of opinion,) to meddle with it ; that 
the slave States alone are criminal, if there be any crimi- 
nality attaching to the system ; that the doctrine of immedi- 
ate emancipation is impracticable and dangerous ; and that 
anti-slavery associations are unwarrantable and seditious. 
Abolitionists hold that the North and the South are alike in- 
volved in guilt, whether past, present or prospective; that, 
therefore, it is the right and the duty of the people, every 
where, to seek the overthrow of slavery by moral means, 
and to wash the blood from their hands individually ; that it 
is unjust and pharisaical for one portion of the country to 
say to another, — 'Stand by, for I am holier than thou;' 
and that the doctrine of immediate emancipation is the doc- 
trine of common sense, common honesty, and the Bible. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 155 

Sir, you have a strange method of proving that we of the 
North are not involved in the guilt of slavery. You express- 
ly declare — 

1. ' The Constitution provides for the suppressing of in- 
surrections ; we should rally under the Constitution, we 
should respond to its call : nay, we should not wait for such 
a requisition, but on the instant should rush forward whh 
fraternal emotions to defend our brethren from desolation 
and massacre.' That is, we have agreed to keep the slaves 
in bondage, and to crush or exterminate them if they should 
rise, as did our fathers, to obtain their freedom by violence : 
therefore, we are guiltless of their oppression ! 

2. ' The Constitution recognises and provides for the con- 
tinuance of slavery : ' therefore, we are not guilty ! 

3. ' It does sanction, it does uphold slavery : ' therefore, 
we are not responsible ! 

4. ' Few parts of the Constitution were more carefully 
and deliberately weighed : ' therefore, we are sinless ! 

Now, Sir, in presenting these facts to prove the innocence 
of the North, it seems to me that you must really believe 
that ' justice has fled to brutish beasts, and men have lost 
their reason.' Or do you mean to mock us, as those who 
cannot discriminate between honesty and knavery — liberty 
and oppression ? What would you think, if an associate of 
thieves should be arrested and brought up for trial, and, to 
prove his own and their innocence, should begin to specify 
what robberies they had perpetrated, what more they meant 
to effect, and what part each had to perform in plundering 
the community ? You are a lawyer. Sir, and can readily 
decide how this testimony would operate. Your plea is just 
as rational : as well might the assassin bring the body of his 
victim into court, and brandish the reeking knife over his 
head, to prove that he ought not to be accused of murder! 
' As for our iniquities, we know tiiem.' 



156 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Oh, Sir, when has a nation sinned so perversely, so under- 
standingly, against so much hght, as our own ? Say not, as 
did certain transgressors of old, ' We are delivered to do all 
these abominations.' The whole world must see, that, for 
our own aggrandizement, we have most basely sacrificed the 
rights and liberties of an immense multitude of our fellow- 
creatures — consigning them to a bondage, 'one hour of 
which is fraught with more misery than ages of that which 
our fathers rose in rebellion to oppose .' 

♦ Go, look through the kingdoms of earth, 

From Indus, all round to the Pole, 
And something of goodness, of honor and worth, 

Shall brighten the sins of the soul :— 
But we are alone in our shame. 

The world cannot liken us there ; 
Oppression and vice have disfigured our name. 

Beyond the low reach of compare ; 
Stupendous in guilt, we shall lend them through time 
A proverb, a bye-word, for treach'ry and crime ! ' 

Now that space for repentance is yet mercifully granted 
to us, let us abase ourselves, as did the inhabitants of Nine- 
veh, and God will rebuke the destroyer for our sake, and 
open the windows of heaven, and pour upon us such bless- 
ings that there shall not be room to receive them. 

' Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the God of Israel, If ye 
thoroughly amend your ways and your doings ; if ye thor- 
oughly execute judgment between a man and his neighbor ; 
if ye oppress not the stranger, the fatherless, and the widow, 
and shed not innocent blood ; then will I cause you.to dwell 
in the land that I gave to your fathers, for ever and ever. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 157 



SfpnrlnrB nf dpmgB ^jjnmjisnn far (gnglnni 

He has gone ! The paragon of modern eloquence — the 
benefactor of two nations — the universal philanthropist — 
is no longer in our midst ! Abandoninir the field of his well- 
deserved and ever increasing popularity — bidding adieu to 
his native shores, and to a vast multitude of as dear and 
estimable friends as one man ever possessed — he com- 
mitted himself, with his family, to the perils of the deep, 
and fearlessly ventured, in the cause of the bound and 
bleeding slave, to encounter the still greater perils which 
he was conscious awaited him upon these shores. It was 
no ordinary sacrifice of ease, preferment, interest and 
popularity, that he made, when he resolved to plead the 
heaven-originated cause of universal emancipation in a land 
of republican despots and Christian kidnappers. He ex- 
changed comfort for severe hardship; he sought abasement 
rather than exaltation ; for safety, he substituted peril ; 
he sacrificed his interest for the pleasure of doing good ; 
and he consented to leave his popularity among good men 
at home, that he might be honored with the abuse and pro- 
scription of wicked men abroad. His departure from Eng- 
land was viewed with regret, yet admiration, by a noble and 
philanthropic people. They would have gladly retained 
him in their midst, had they not been convinced that Provi- 
dence had a great work for him to perform in this hemi- 
sphere : they did not love themselves less, but they loved 
the perishing slaves more. Wherever he went to bid them 
farewell, they rushed in crowds to hang upon the thrilling 
accents of his lips, to pay him the respect of grateful hearts, 
and to bestow on him the testimonials of their love. Never, 
perhaps, did man break through stronger tics to make him- 
self an exile, and a by- word and gazing-stock among the 
14 



158 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

plunderers and oppressors of the human race. A physical 
Lafayette had come to these shores on an errand of patri- 
otism, and the applause was universal. A moral Lafay- 
ette came hither on a mission of peaceful liberty and holy 
love, and the hosts of heaven rejoiced, and gave glory to 
God. Both excited the fear and hatred of tyrants : the 
former was dreaded for his rank and influence — the latter 
for his Christian courage and spiritual might. The former 
came equipped with carnal weapons, to sunder the chains of 
political oppression by the arm of violence : the latter came 
with the whole armor of God, having his loins girt about 
with truth, and having on the breast-plate of righteousness, 
and his feet shod with the preparation of the gospel of peace, 
and taking the shield of faith, the helmet of salvation, and 
the sword of the Spirit, to effect a two-fold emancipation, 
both of the body and the soul. The former slaughtered op- 
posing forces, to vindicate the rights of man : the latter 
toiled unceasingly to maintain the justice of God in the 
peaceful deliverance of the captive, through conviction of 
sin and the spirit of repentance. The former aimed to 
overthrow an unjust exercise of monarchical power ; the 
latter, to extirpate the most dreadful form of despotism that 
the world had ever witnessed — chattel slavery. 

He has gone ! And with him will go the prayers and 
blessings, the gratitude and love, the respect and admiration, 
of all those who cherish an innate and holy hatred of op- 
pression, and who hold no fellowship with the unfruitful 
works of darkness. Around the hearts of thousands in this 
country, his memory is entwined with the ties of a death- 
less affection ; for they have known him, and can testify of 
his extraordinary worth. What a rich freight of gratitude 
would accompany him, more to be desired than the trea- 
sures of royal argosies, from millions who yet pine in 
slavery, if they could understand how much he has suffered 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 159 

and hazarded to loose their fetters ! But their emancipated 
descendants will not forget the debt ! 

He has gone ! But not in vain did he come hither. By 
his presence, and the power of his victorious eloquence, and 
the resistless energy of his movements, he has shaken the 
land from side to side. In one year, he has accomplished 
the work of many. At the mention of his name, republi- 
can tyrants stand aghast, and their knees smite violently 
against each other. Unable to hide the bloody stains that 
disfigure their polluted garments — conscious of their full 
exposure to the detestation and rebuke of a horror-stricken 
world — despairing of ever regaining an honorable reputa- 
tion, until they emancipate the victims of their lust and 
avarice — they have sought to destroy the advocates of 
righteous liberty, with wolf-like ferocity and fiendish hate. 
Especially have they planned to abduct and murder the 
man, who, having been signally instrumental in breaking the 
fetters of eight hundred thousand slaves in the British Colo- 
nies, heroicjjlly came to these shores to assist in emancipa- 
ting a still larger number of bleeding captives. But, thanks 
be to God, he has walked unharmed through the fire which 
they kindled to consume him, and the smell thereof has not 
passed upon his garments. 

He has gone ! But not to cease from his labors in the 
cause of mercy. He has a mighty work to perform in Eng- 
land, and there he will toil like an unbound giant. With 
the materials which he has industriously accumulated in this 
country, and which he has carried with him, he cannot fail 
to rouse up and concentrate the entire sympathies and ener- 
gies of the people of Great Britain, in opposition to Ameri- 
can slavery ; and it is by the pressure of popular opinion 
abroad, as well as at home, that the bloody system is to be 
tumbled into ruins. Let the same withering public sentiment 
prevail throughout Christendom respecting the guilt of slave- 



160 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

holding, as now obtains in opposition to the diabolical slave 
trade, and the day of jubilee will be ushered in without de- 
lay. Our pride, as a nation, will not be able much longer 
to bear the taunts and jeers of the world, in view of our 
hypocrisy, falsehood and oppression ; and our consciences, 
seared though they be as with a hot iron, will yet be 
awakened to remorse and repentance by the thunders of 
Sinai and the melting accents of Calvary. The Christians 
of Great Britain, of all denominations, will multiply their 
warnings, rebukes and exhortations to their brethren in this 
country, and they cannot speak in vain. 

He has gone ! The dagger of a murderous nation has 
been pointed at his heart, and he has been hunted like a 
partridge upon the mountains. He came to us on an errand 
of mercy, drawn by the ties of Christ, and spared no pains 
to bring us to repentance for our manifold transgressions. 
To flatter us was easy — but he loved the truth, and hated 
falsehood ; and for declaring the truth, his life was placed 
in continual jeopardy ! 

He has gone ! But the foreign man-monkey * remains 
behind, to show us how exactly he can grin like an ape, 
look like an ape, climb and chatter like an ape, and finally 
die like an ape — and his popularity is increasing daily ! 



* Allusion is here made to a foreign mountebank, who was at 
that time (the fall of 1835) peregrinating through the country, and 
exhibiting himself as * the man-monkey.' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 161 



Inirg nf IBdrnmK* 



Our noble advocate and friend, 
Thy presence here we hail ! 
But, O ! our feelings to express, 
The strongest words must fail I 
Yet still accept a gateful song — 

Our blessings on thee rest — 
For thou hast pleaded well the cause 
Of all who are oppressed. 

II. 

Thy love of liberty extends 
To every race and clime ; 
Thy hatred of oppression burns 
To the remotest time : 

In thee the slave a champion finds, 

Intrepid, faithful, strong. 
Though scorn and wrath assail thy course, 
And perils round thee throng. 

III. 

While traffickers in human flesh 

Their teeth upon thee gnash ; 
While for thy precious life they hunt, 
Who wield the gory lash ; 
While their abettors here conspire 

To howl and mob thee down ; 
Thou need'st no higher meed of praise — 
Can'st wear no brighter crown ! 



* After an absence of fifteen years, George Thompson again vis- 
ited the United States, and on the evening of Nov. 18th, 1850, was 
enthusiastically welcomed by a crowded assembly of the colored 
citizens of Boston, for which occasion this Song was written. 
14* 



162 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



IV. 

All noble spirits of the past — 
Saints, martyrs, heroes true — 
All of the present, loving God 

And man, the wide earth through — 
Are with thee in this trial-hour,* 

To strengthen and applaud — 
And angel voices cheer thee on. 
In th' name of Christ, our Lord ! 

V. 

The ransomed bondmen of the isles 
Thy name shall shout with pride ; 
And India's plundered millions bless 
Their champion, true and tried ; 

And England's crushed and toiling poor, 

Columbia's fettered race, — 
Thy memory ever shall revere, 
Thy brow with laurels grace. 

YI. 

Once more we greet thee with delight, 

Remembering ♦ auld lang syne,' 
And pray kind Heaven may richly smile, 
Through life, on thee and thine ! 
We offer thee a grateful song — 
Our blessings on thee rest — 
For thou hast pleaded well the cause 
Of all who are oppressed ! 



* Notwithstanding so long a period had elapsed since Mr. 
Thompson first came to the United States, the pro-slavery spirit 
of the land was exceedingly alarmed and terrified at his presence ; 
and, during his sojourn of seven months, constantly endeavored to 
prevent his being heard, by mobocratic violence ; but he triumphed 
over all opposition, and returned home, carrying with him the bene- 
dictions of a host of admiring friends. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 163 



Wnxh nf (!?iirnurngmrEt tn tliB (DfiirBssr^i, 

I NEVER rise to address a colored audience, without feel- 
ing ashamed of my own color ; ashamed of being identified 
with a race of men, who have done you so much injustice, 
and who yet retain so large a portion of your brethren in 
servile chains. To make atonement, in part, for this con- 
duct, I have solemnly dedicated my health, and strength, 
and life, to your service. I love to plan and to work for 
your social, intellectual, and spiritual advancement. My 
happiness is augmented with yours : in your sufferings I 
participate. 

Henceforth I am ready, on all days, on all convenient 
occasions, in all suitable places, before any sect or party, at 
whatever peril to my person, character or interest, to plead 
the cause of my colored countrymen in particular, or of 
human rights in general. For this purpose, there is no day 
too holy, no place improper, no body of men too inconsid- 
erable to address. For this purpose, I ask no church to 
grant me authority to speak — I require no ordination — I am 
not careful to consult Martin Luther, or John Calvin, or His 
Holiness the Pope. It is a duty, which, as a lover of justice, 
I am bound to discharge ; as a lover of my fellow-men, I 
ought not to shun ; as a lover of Jesus Christ, and of his 
equalizing, republican and benevolent precepts, I rejoice to 
perform. 

Your condition, as a people, has long attracted my atten- 
tion, secured my efforts, and awakened in my breast a flame 
of sympathy, which neither the winds nor waves of opposi- 
tion can ever extinguish. It is the lowness of your estate, 
in the estimation of the world, which exalts you in my eyes. 
It is the distance that separates you from the blessings and 
privileges of society, which brings you so closely to my 



164 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

affections. It is the unmerited scorn, reproach and persecu- 
tion of your persons, by those whose complexion is colored 
like my own, which command for you my sympathy and 
respect. It is the fewness of your friends — the mul- 
titude of your enemies — that induces me to stand forth in 
your defence. 

Countrymen and Friends ! I wish to gladden your hearts, 
and to invigorate your hopes. Be assured, your cause is 
going onward, right onward. The signs of the times do 
indeed show forth great and glorious and sudden changes in 
the condition of the oppressed. The whole firmament is 
tremulous with an excess of light ; the earth is moved out 
of its place ; the wave of revolution is dashing in pieces 
ancient and mighty empires ; the hearts of tyrants are begin- 
ning to fail them for fear, and for looking forward to those 
things which are to come upon the earth. There is 

* A voice on every wave, 

A sound on every sea ! 
The watchword of the brave, 
The anthem of the free ! 
Where'er a wind is rushing, 
Where'er a stream is gushing, 

The swelling sounds are heard. 
Of man to freeman calling, 
Of broken fetters falling — 
And, like the carol of a cageless bird. 
The bursting shout of Freedom's rallying word ! ' 

Let this be an occasion of joy. Why should it not be so .'' 
Is not the heaven over your heads, which has so long been 
clothed in sackcloth, beginning to disclose its starry principali- 
ties, and illumine your pathway ? Do you not see the pitiless 
storm, which has so long been pouring its rage upon you, 
breaking away, and a bow of promise, as glorious as that 
which succeeded the ancient deluge, spanning the sky, — a 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 165 

token that, to the end of time, the billows of prejudice and 
oppression shall no more cover the earth, to the destruction 
of your race ; but seed-time and harvest shall never fail, 
and the laborer shall eat the fruit of his hands ? Is not your 
cause developing like the spring ? Yours has been a long and 
rigorous winter. The chill of contempt, the frost of adver- 
sity, the blast of persecution, the storm of oppression — all 
have been yours. There was no sustenance to be found — 
no prospect to delight the eye, or inspire the drooping 
heart — no golden ray to dissipate the gloom. The waves 
of derision were stayed by no barrier, but made a clear 
breach over you. But, now — thanks be to God ! that dreary 
winter is rapidly hastening away. The sun of humanity is 
going steadily up, from the horizon to its zenith, growing 
larger and brighter, and melting the frozen earth beneath its 
powerful rays. The genial showers of repentance are soft- 
ly falling upon the barren plain ; the wilderness is budding 
like the rose ; the voice of joy succeeds the notes of wo ; 
and hope, like the lark, is soaring upwards, and warbling 
hymns at the gate of heaven. 

And this is but the outbursting of spring. What, think 
you, shall be the summer and autumn ? 

« Then shall the trembling mourner come, 
And bind his sheaves, and bear them home ; 
The voice, long broke with sighs, shall sing, 
And heaven with hallelujahs ring ! ' 

This is but ' the twilight, the dim dawn ' of day. What, 
then, shall be the brightness of the day itself? These are 
but a few drops of mercy. What shall be the full shower, 
the rolling tide ? These are but crumbs of comfort, to pre- 
vent you wholly from perishing. What shall be the bounti- 
ful table ? 

Why should this not be an occasion of joy, instead of 



166 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

sorrow ? Listen to those trumpet tones which come swell- 
ing on the winds of the Atlantic, and which shall bring an 
echo from every harp in heaven ! If there is joy in that 
blissful abode over one sinner that repenteth, how mighty 
and thrilling must it be over a repentant nation ! And Great 
Britain is that nation. Her people are humbling themselves 
before God, and before those whom they have so long held 
in bondage. Their voices are breaking, in peals of thunder, 
upon the ear of Parliament, demanding the immediate and 
utter overthrow of slavery in all the colonies ; and in obedi- 
ence to their will, the mandate is about being issued by Par- 
liament, which shall sever at a blow the chains of eight 
hundred thousand slaves ! What heart can conceive, what 
pen or tongue describe, the happiness which must flow 
from the consummation of this act ? That cruel lash, which 
has torn so many tender bodies, and is dripping with inno- 
cent blood ; that lash, which has driven so many human vic- 
tims, like beasts, to their unrequited toil ; that lash, whose 
sounds are heard from the rising of the sun to its decline, 
mingled with the shrieks of bleeding sufferers ; that lash is 
soon to be cast away, never again to wound the flesh, or 
degrade those who are made in the image of God. And 
those fetters of iron, which have bound so many in ignomin- 
ious servitude, and wasted their bodies, and borne them down 
to an untimely grave, shall be shivered in pieces, as the 
lightning rends the pine, and the victims of tyranny leap 
forth, ' redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by the irre- 
sistible genius of universal emancipation.' And that dark- 
ness, which has for so many generations shrouded the minds 
of the slaves — making them like the brutes that perish — 
shall give way to the light of freedom and religion, O, how 
transforming the change ! In contemplating it, my imagina- 
tion overpowers the serenity of my soul, and makes lan- 
guage seem poor and despicable. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 167 

Cheers for Great Britain ! cheers for her noble men and 
women ! cheers for the bright example which they arc set- 
ting to the world ! cheers for their generous sympathy in the 
cause of the oppressed in our own country ! 

Why should we not rejoice this evening, brethren ? Find 
we nothing at home to raise our drooping spirits, to invigo- 
rate our hopes, and to engage our efforts ? Have we made 
no progress, either in self-improvement, or in the cause 
of bleeding humanity ? Are there no cheering signs of the 
times, in our moral sky, upon which we may fix our joyful 
gaze ? 

Look, in the first place, at the abolition standard — more 
gorgeous and spirit-stirring than the star-spangled banner — 
floating high in the air ! Fresh is the breeze that meets it ! 
bright are the sunny rays which adorn it ! Around it thou- 
sands are gathering, with high and holy courage, to contend, 
not with carnal but spiritual weapons, against the powers of 
darkness. O, the loftiness of that spirit which animates 
them ! It towers above the Alps, it pierces beyond the 
clouds. O, the intensity of that flame of brotherly love 
which burns within their breasts ! It never can burn out — 
nor can many waters extinguish it. O, the stability of that 
faith which sustains them under all their toils and trials ! It 
is firmer than the foundations of the earth — it is strong as 
the throne of God. O, the generous daring of that moral 
principle which inspires their hearts and governs their 
actions ! Neither reproach nor persecution, neither wealth 
nor power, neither bolts nor bars, neither the gibbet nor the 
stake, shall be able to subdue it. Yes, my colored country- 
men, these are the men — ay, and the women, too, who have 
espoused your cause. And they will stand by it, until 
life be extinct. They will not fail in strength, or faith, 
or courage, or zeal, or action. Loud as the tempest of 
oppression may rage around them, above it shall their rally- 



168 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ing cry be heard in the thunder-tone of heaven. Dark as 
their pathway may be, it shall blaze with the light of truth 
in their possession. Numberless as may be the enemies 
who surround them, they will not retreat from the field ; for 
He who is mightier than legions of men and devils is the 
captain of their salvation, and will give them the victory. I 
know your advocates well — I know the spirit which actuates 
them. Whether they reside in the East, or West, or North, 
they have but one object — their hearts are stirred with the 
same pulsation ; their eye is single, their motives are pure. 
Tell me not of the bravery and devotedness of those whose 
life-blood reddened the plains of Marathon, poured out in 
defence of liberty. Tell me not of the Spartan band, with 
Leonidas at their head, who defended the pass of Thermo- 
pylae against a Persian host. I award to them the meed of 
animal courage ; but the heroism of blood and carnage is as 
much below the patient endurance of wrong, and the cheer- 
ful forgiveness of injury, as the earth is below the sky — it 
is as often displayed by brute animals as by men. With 
infinitely higher satisfaction, with a warmer glow of emula- 
tion, with more intense admiration, do I contemplate the 
abolition phalanx in the United States, who are maintaining 
your cause, unflinchingly, through evil report — for the good 
report is yet to come — and at the imminent peril of their 
lives ; and, what is dearer than life, the sacrifice of their 
reputation. If ever there was a cause which established the 
disinterestedness and integrity of its supporters, yours is 
that cause. They who are contending for the immediate 
abolition of slavery, the destruction of its ally, the Ameri- 
can Colonization Society, and the bestowal of equal rights 
and privileges upon the whole colored population, well knew 
what would be the consequences of their advocacy to them- 
selves. They knew that slander would blacken their char- 
acters with infamy ; that their pleadings would be received 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 169 

with ridicule and reproach ; that persecution would assail 
them on the right hand and on the left ; that the dungeon 
would yawn for their bodies ; that the dagger of the assas- 
sin would gleam behind them ; that the arm of power would 
be raised to crush them to the earth ; that they would be 
branded as disturbers of the peace, as fanatics, madmen and 
incendiaries ; that the heel of friendship would be lifted^ 
against them, and love be turned into hatred, and confidence 
into suspicion, and respect into derision ; that their worldly 
interests would be jeoparded, and the honor and emoluments 
of office would be withheld from their enjoyment. Knowing 
all this, still they dare all things, in order to save their 
country by seeking its purification from blood. Will the 
base and the servile accuse them of being actuated by a 
hope of reward ? Reward ! It is the reward which cal- 
umny gives to virtue — the reward which selfishness bestows, 
upon benevolence ; but nothing of worldly applause, or 
fame, or promotion. Yet they have a reward — and who- 
will blame them for coveting it ? It is the gratitude of the 
suffering and the oppressed — the approbation of a good con- 
science — the blessing of the Most High. 

* Tempt them with bribes, you tempt in vain ; 
Try them with fire, you'll find them true.' 

To deter such souls from tlieir purposes, or vanquish 
them in combat, is as impossible as to stop the rush of the 
ocean when the spirit of the storm rides upon its mountain 
billows. They are hourly increasing in number and strength, 
and going on from conquering to conquer. Convert after 
convert, press after press, pulpit after pulpit, is subdued, and 
enlisted on the side of justice and freedom. 

A grave charge is brought against me, that I am exciting 
your rage against the whites, and filling your minds with 
revengful feelings ? Is this true .? Have not all my addresses 
15 



170 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and appeals to you had just the contrary effect upon your 
minds ? Have they not been calculated to make you bear 
all your trials and difficulties in the spirit of Christian resig- 
nation, and to induce you to return good for evil ? Where 
is the calumniator who dares to affirm that you have been 
turbulent and quarrelsome since I began my labors in your 
behalf? Where is the man who is so ignorant as not to 
know or perceive that, as a people, you are constantly 
improving in knowledge and virtue ? No, brethren ; you 
will bear me a unanimous testimony, that I have not implant- 
ed in your minds any malice towards your persecutors, but, 
on the contrary, forgiveness of injuries. And I can as truly 
aver that, in all my intercourse with you as a people, I have 
not seen or heard any thing of a malignant or revengeful 
spirit. No : yours has been eminently a spirit of resignation 
and faith, under the most aggravating circumstances. 

I will notice but one other charge which the enemies of 
our cause have brought against me. It is, that I am unduly 
exciting your hopes, and holding out to your view prospects 
of future happiness and respectability which can never be 
realized in this country. Pitiful complaint ! Because I have 
planted a solitary rose, as it were, in the wilderness of suf- 
fering in which your race has so long wandered, to cheer 
your drooping hearts, I am sharply reproved for giving even 
this little token of good things to come — by those, too, who 
make loud professions of friendship for you, that is, if you 
will go to Liberia, but who are constantly strewing in your 
path briars and thorns, and digging pits into which you may 
stumble to rise no more. These querulous complainants, 
who begrudge every drop of comfort which falls upon your 
thirsty lips, as a miser mourns the loss of a penny, seem to 
forget or discard the promise of Jehovah, that ' the wilder- 
ness shall bud and blossom like the rose.' I have faith to 
believe that this promise will ultimately be fulfilled, even in 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 171 

this land of republicanism and Christianity. Surely I may 
be pardoned, when so many are endeavoring to break down 
all your rising hopes and noble aspirations, if I urge you 
not to despair, for the day of redemption will assuredly 
come. Nay, I may still be forgiven, if I transcend the limits 
of probability, and suffer my imagination to paint in too 
glowing colors the recompense which is to be yours; since, 
strive as I may, I can scarcely hope to equalize the heart- 
crushing discouragements and assaults made by your ene- 
mies. 

All things considered, you have certainly done well, as a 
body. There are many colored men whom I am proud to 
rank among my friends ; whose native vigor of mind is 
remarkable ; whose morals are unexceptionable ; whose 
homes are the abode of contentment, plenty and refinement. 
For my own part, when I reflect upon the peculiarities of 
your situation; what indignities have been heaped upon your 
heads ; in what utter dislike you are generally held even by 
those who profess to be the ministers and disciples of Christ ; 
and how difficult has been your chance to arrive at respect- 
ability and affluence, I marvel greatly, not that you are no 
more enlightened and virtuous, but that you are not like 
wild beasts of the forests. I fully coincide with the senti- 
ment of Mr. Jefferson, that the men must be prodigies who 
can retain their manners and morals under such circumstan- 
ces. Surely, you have a right to demand an equal position 
among mankind. 

O, if those whose prejudices against color are deeply root- 
ed — if the asscrtcrs of the natural inferiority of the people 
of color, would but even casually associate with the victims 
of their injustice, and be candid enough to give merit its 
due, they could not long feel and act as they now do. Their 
prejudices would melt like frost-work before the blazing sun ; 
their unbelief would vanish away, their contempt be turned 



172 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

into admiration, their indifference be roused to benevolent 
activity, and their disHke give place to friendship. Keeping 
aloof from your society, ignorant of the progress which you 
are making in virtue, knowledge and competence, and 
believing all the aspersions of malice which are cast upon 
your character, they at length persuade themselves that you 
are utterly worthless, and nearly akin to the brute creation. 
Cruel men ! cruel w'omen ! thus hastily and blindly to pass 
condemnation upon those who deserve your compassion, and 
are worthy of your respect ! 

Be this your encouragement, in view of our separation. 
Although absent from you in body, I shall still be with you 
in spirit. I go away, not to escape from toil, but to labor 
more abundantly in your cause. If 1 may do something for 
your good at home, I hope to do more abroad. In the mean 
time, I beseech you fail not, on your part, to lead quiet and 
orderly lives. Let there be no ground whatever for the 
charge which is brought against you by your enemies, that 
you are turbulent and rude. Let all quarrelling, all dram- 
drinking, all profanity, all violence, all division, be confined 
to the white people. Imitate them in nothing but what is 
clearly good, and carefully shun even the appearance of 
evil. Let them, if they will, follow the devices and perform 
the drudgery of the devil ; but be ye perfect, even as your 
heavenly Father is perfect. Conquer their aversion by moral 
excellence ; their proud spirit by love ; their evil acts by acts 
of goodness ; their animosity by forgiveness. Keep in your 
hearts the fear of God, and rejoice even in tribulation ; for 
the promise is sure, that all things shall work together for 
good to those who love His name. 

As for myself, whatever may be my fate — whether I fall 
in the spring-time of manhood by the hand of the assassin, 
or be immured in a Georgia cell, or be permitted to live to 
a ripe old age — I know that the success of your cause is 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 173 

not dependant upon my existence. I am but as a drop in 
the ocean, which, if it be separated, cannot be missed. 

My own faith is strong — my vision, clear — my consola- 
tion, great. ' Who art thou, O great mountain ? Before 
Zerubbabel thou shalt become a plain : and he shall bring 
forth the headstone thereof with shoutings, crying, Grace, 
grace unto it.' Let us confidently hope, that the day is at 
hand, when we shall be enabled to celebrate not merely the 
abolition of the slave trade by law but in fact, and the libe- 
ration of every descendant of Africa, wherever one exists in 
bondage under the whole heavens. 



Whether a persecuted child of thine 
Thou deign to own, my lovely native place,* 
In characters that Time cannot efface. 

Thy worth is graved upon this heart of mine. 

Forsake me not in anger, nor repine 
That with this nation I am in disgrace : 
From ruthless bondage to redeem my race, 

And save my country, is my great design. 

How much soe'er my conduct thou dost blame, 
(For Hate and Calumny belie my course,) 

My labors shall not sully thy fair fame ; 
But they shall be to thee a fountain-source 

Of joyfulness hereafter — when my name 
Shall e'en from tyrants a just tribute force. 

* Kbwbdbypobt, Mass. 



15 



174 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



The names of Clarkson and Wilberforce will, to the 
end of time, be watchwords in the mouths of the friends of 
bleeding humanity. Venerable men ! they live, as yet, to 
receive the benedictions of a grateful people ! Would they 
were present on this occasion, to receive our individual 
thanks and gratulations ! How would their dim eyes rekindle 
with light, and their feeble pulse rise to a strong vibration, 
and their almost passive hearts beat joyfully with emotion, 
could they see a portion of that persecuted people, for whom 
they have toiled for so long a period, assembled together 
under such happy auspices, presenting such an appearance 
of comfort, safety and pleasure, to celebrate a deed which 
they, under God, successfully consummated ! Were they 
before me, I would address them after this manner : — 

Benefactors of mankind ! thrice welcome to the shores 
of America ! welcome to the land in which the infant Lib- 
erty was born, whose tread is now shaking the nations ! wel- 
come to a seat with those for whose improvement and 
protection you have spent a long life, enduring shame and 
reproach, perilling * your health and reputation and lives, 
seeking no reward but the approbation of your consciences 
and the smiles of Heaven, never tiring in your arduous 
labors, never faltering in feebleness of faith, never diverted 
from the object of your pursuit! Suffer me to present to 
you a worthy portion of my down-trodden colored country- 
men. Others may shun their presence, and pour con- 
tempt upon them, but I am sure that Clarkson and Wilber- 
force are too noble .to treat them with indignity. To you 
the color of their skin is nothing : it is enough that they have 
souls — that they are rational beings — that they belong to 
the same common family, and are the children of one com- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 175 

mon Parent. The scorn which separates them from society 
but serves to increase your attachment for them. Venerable 
men! they appreciate your goodness — your toils to effect 
their deliverance — all that you have done and suffered in 
behalf of their race. Forgive the feebleness of language, 
the imperfection of speech. They feel the poverty of words ; 
they can give you nothing but the pressure of the hand, the 
tear of gratitude, the broken benediction of a full heart. 
Their prayers for your preservation and happiness are con- 
stantly ascending to the God of the needy. Encouraged by 
your example and countenance, they have risen up from the 
dust, and are making rapid progress in virtue, in knowledge, 
and in piety. The evidence is before you, and you will not 
desire a richer reward for your labors. 

Your fame is broader than the Atlantic, and shall be as 
enduring. It shall blossom and bear fruit in every clime, 
among every tribe and nation, to the latest posterity. It 
shall be a living impulse to move the moral world. It is not 
founded upon rapine and conquest, like an Alexander's or 
Napoleon's, but upon benevolence and equity. You have 
not, like them, desolated the earth, and sacrificed thousands 
of human beings upon the altar of your ambition, but have 
actively sought to stop the shedding of blood, break the yoke 
of oppression, and prevent the destruction of human life. 
You have not, like the priest and the Levite, passed by on 
the other side, and left the victim of thieves — poor, bleed- 
ing Africa — to perish; but, like the good Samaritan, have 
endeavored to heal her wounds and restore her to health. 
As yet, your names are not familiar to the lips of her 
benighted children ; but when the light of civilization and 
Christianity shall illumine her vast empire, and a river of 
knowledge, deeper and more fruitful than the Niger or 
the Nile, shall flow throughout her borders, then shall they 
recognize you as their noblest benefactors, and offer up 



176 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

incense to God for having raised you up to vindicate their 
cause. 

These things I say, not because you court the applause of 
men, nor because I hope to gratify your vanity, or thereby 
secure your esteem. Praise to a good man is scarcely less 
painful than censure. They are reflections which are 
naturally suggested in tracing the relation of cause and 
efl?ect — an active and laborious career of philanthropy and 
piety. 

To you, respected sirs, I am personally, and, doubtless, 
by reputation, unknown. Cherishing, however, the same 
abhorrence to oppression, the same love of justice, the same 
attachment to freedom, the same desire to extricate the 
enslaved from their terrible condition, as yourselves ; I have 
resolved, through divine assistance, and stimulated by your 
example, to dedicate my life — all that I have, all that I hope 
to be, to the cause of human liberty. Humble as have been 
my efforts, I have thus early drawn upon me the maledic- 
tions of a large portion of my countrymen, and, like 
yourselves, been misunderstood, calumniated, threatened — 
branded as a madman and fanatic, and deemed worthy of' 
death. If I have not yet experienced enough to put my 
sincerity and endurance to the test, I feel no desire to shrink 
from any additional trials or perils. In your patient submis- 
sion under reproach, your perseverance through every obsta- 
cle, your fearless avowal of the truth, your uncompromising 
spirit of justice, your willingness to lay down your lives in 
this great cause, your final and glorious triumph over the 
enemies of injured Africa; and above all, in the examples 
of the Son of God, and the apostles and prophets, and the 
martyrs to truth in all ages, I derive all the encourage- 
ment and confidence I can need in any situation or under 
any trials in which I may be placed ; and if I prove recre- 
ant to my pledge, if I swerve for a moment from the path 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 177 

of duty to avoid reproach or conciliate the ill-will of any 
living being, I shall deserve the curse of mankind, as I surely 
shall receive the retribution of Heaven. No reproaches, no 
dangers shall deter me. Wherever Providence may call me, 
my voice shall be heard in behalf of the perishing slave, and 
against the claims of his oppressor. With you I feel that, 
in such a task, it is impossible to tire : it fills my mind with 
complacency and peace. At night, I lie down with compo- 
sure, and rise to it in the morning with alacrity. I never 
will desist from this blessed work. 



Clarkson ! among the wise, the great, the good, 

The friend of Man, whate'er his caste or clime, 
Thy memory shall be hailed with gratitude — 

Thy labors honored to the end of time ! 
Thine was a soul with sympathy imbued, 

Broad as the earth, and as the heavens sublime; 
Thy godlike object, steadfastly pursued, 

To save thy race from misery and crime. 
Mourn, England ! for the loss thou hast sustained, 

And let the nations of the earth lament. 
With spirit broken, and with grief unfeigned ; 

And to her tears let Liberty give vent ; 
A star of glory has in darkness waned — 

No more on earth survives the good man eloquent. 



178 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



IJiniirntinH nf tIjB ICihBratnr. 

Bitter enemies and lukewarm friends represent the Lib- 
erator as an incendiary publication. I am willing to admit 
the propriety of the designation. It is, unquestionably, kind- 
ling a great fire ; but it is the fire of sympathy and holy 
indignation against the most oppressive system on earth, and 
will burn up nothing but the chaff. That fire is spreading 
from house to house, from village to village, from city to 
city, from State to State. The East is glowing, as if a 
new sun had risen in splendid radiance ; and the West has 
caught its beams, and is kindling with new intensity. Even 
the dark Atlantic, as far as the shores of old England, shows 
a luminous path of light, and the philanthropists of that coun- 
try are rejoicing as they gaze upon it. Like a vestal fire, 
may this never cease to burn. Let those throw water upon 
it, who will — love to God and man shall feed ft, and prevent 
its extinguishment. 

But the Liberator is said to be destructive in its character 
and tendency. That charge, also, I admit is true. It is 
putting whole magazines of truth under the slave system, 
and I trust in God will blow it into countless fragments, so 
that not the remnant of a whip or chain can be found in all 
the South, — so that upon its ruins may be erected the 
beautiful temple of freedom. I will not waste my strength 
in foolishly endeavoring to beat down this great Bastile with 
a feather. I will not commence at the roof, and throw off 
its tiles by piecemeal. I am for adopting a more summary 
method of demolishing it. I am for digging under its foun- 
dations, and springing a mine that shall not leave one stone 
upon another. I leave colonizationists to pick up the leaves 
which are annually shed by the Bohon Upas of our land, 
with the vain hope of exterminating it ; but as for myself, I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 179 

choose rather to assail its trunk with the axe of justice, and 
strike with all my nerve such blows as shall cause * this 
great poison-tree of lust and blood, and of all abominable 
and heartless iniquity, to fall before it ; and law and love, 
and God and man, to shout victory over its ruin.' 

But the Liberator uses very harsh language, and calls a 
great many bad names, and is very personal and abusive. 
Precious cant, indeed ! And what has been so efficacious 
as this harsh language ? Now, I am satisfied that its strength 
of denunciation bears no proportion to the enormous guilt 
of the slave system. The English language is lamentably 
weak and deficient, in regard to this matter. I wish its epi- 
thets were heavier — I wish it would not break so easily — I 
wish I could denounce slavery, and all its abettors, in terms 
equal to their infamy. But, shame to tell ! I can apply to 
him who steals the liberties of hundreds of his fellow-crea- 
tures, and lacerates their bodies, and plunders them of all 
their hard earnings, only the same epithet that is applied by 
all to a man who steals a shilling in this community. I call 
the slaveholder a thief, because he steals human beings, 
and reduces them to the condition of brutes ; and I am 
thought to be very abusive ! I call the man a thief who 
takes my handkerchief from my pocket, and all the people 
shout, ' Right ! right ! so he is ! ' and the court seizes him, 
and throws him into prison. Wonderful consistency ! 

I am anxious to please the people ; but if, in order 1o do 
so, I must violate the plainest precepts of the gospel, and 
disregard the most solemn obligations, will the people see 
that my name is written in the Book of Life, and that my 
sins are blotted out of the Book of Remembrance ? If I 
put out my eyes, and stop my ears, and petrify my heart, 
and become insensible as a marble statue, to please the com- 
munity, will the community rescue me from the charge of 
inhumanity, selfishness and cowardice, which will be pre- 



180 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ferred against me at the bar of God ? If they cannot, I 
must boldly declare the truth, ' whether men will hear, or 
whether they will forbear.' 

A man who should be seen whipping a post in the street 
would doubtless , excite the mirth of the passing throng. 
For them to be indignant at such treatment would be a per- 
version of sympathy, and clearly ridiculous. But if it were 
a dog or a horse, instead of a senseless post, which the man 
was beating so unmercifully, their feelings ought to be, and 
would be, far different. They would warmly denounce 
such conduct as inhuman, and exhibit much vehemence in 
their manner. But if it were a man, or woman, or child, 
instead of a dog or horse, thus suffering under the lash, how 
the spectators would flame ! how their indignation would 
kindle ! how strong would be their denunciations ! how lib- 
erally would they apply the ungracious epithets — ' a brute ! 
a wretch ! a monster ! ' 

How," then, ought I to feel, and speak, and write, in view 
of a system which is red with innocent blood, drawn from 
the bodies of millions of my countrymen by the scourge of 
brutal drivers ; which is full of all uncleanness and licen- 
tiousness ; which destroys the ' life of the soul ; ' and which 
is too horrible for the mind to imagine, or the pen to declare ^ 
How ought I to feel and speak ? As a man ! as a patriot ! 
as a philanthropist ! as a Christian ! My soul should be, as 
it is, on fire. I should thunder — I should lighten. I should 
blow the trumpet of alarm, long and loud. I should use 
just such language as is most descriptive of the crime. I 
should imitate the example of Christ, who, when he had to 
do with people of like manners, called them sharply by 
their proper names — such as, an adulterous and perverse 
generation, a brood of vipers, hypocrites, children of the 
devil, who could not escape the damnation of hell. Modera- 
tion under such circumstances is deliberate barbarity, both 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 181 

to the oppressor and the oppressed — calmness is marble 
indifference. No ! no ! I never will dilute or modify my 
language against slavery — against the plunderers of my fel- 
low-men — against American kidnappers. They shall have 
my honest opinions of their conduct. 

What the Liberator has been, is a matter of history; 
what it now is, every reader can determine ; what it is yet 
to be, time must unfold. ' The past, at least, is secure.' 
Since the commencement of the paper, many thousands of 
persons have been enrolled on its list of subscribers, and 
multitudes have been in the habit of perusing it gratuitously. 
Its general effect upon their minds and character must be the 
surest evidence of its good or evil tendency. The rule is a 
good one, that a tree is known by its fruits. It is also a dic- 
tate of reason, that whatever enlarges the spirit of human, 
sympathy, opposes tyranny in every form, inculcates love 
and good will to mankind, and seeks to reconcile a hostile 
world, must be in consonance with the Divine Mind. 

In the long, dark struggle with national injustice, through 
which I have been called to pass, I have been cheered and 
strengthened by the knowledge of the reformatory change 
which has taken place in the sentiments of thousands, through 
the instrumentality of the Liberator. To this they gratefully 
testify : — that it has given them more exalted views of God,, 
a more just appreciation of man, a truer conception of Chris- 
tianity ; that it has emancipated them from the bondage of 
party and sect, dispelled from their minds the mists of super- 
stition, and made them courageous in the investigation of 
truth ; that it has enlarged the limits of their country, and 
multiplied the number of their countrymen, so that they no 
longer regard geographical boundaries, but truly esteem 
every one as ' a man and a brother,' whether he be near or 
remote ; that, instead of lowering the standard of moral obli- 
gation, or lessening the sphere of human duty, it has quick- 
16 



182 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ened their moral sense, and given unlimited scope to their 
sympathies, and supplied them with more objects of benev- 
olent concern than they can readily discharge. This testi- 
mony has been borne by its patrons on both sides of the 
Atlantic. Among those patrons are some of the best intel- 
lects, the purest spirits, the most devoted Christians, to be 
found in Europe or America. With them, the abolition of 
slavery is not ' the end of the law for righteousness ; ' nor is 
it a solitary or barren idea, but a principle of action as wide 
as the universe, and comprehensive as universal and impar- 
tial love. 

How much the Liberator has accomplished, directly and 
indirectly, in the distinctive enterprise to which it is pledged, 
(the liberation of an appalling number of the human family 
from a horrid servitude,) by giving to it a vital tone and an 
unconquerable energy, by arousing multitudes from their 
guilty slumbers, by an uncompromising adherence to princi- 
ple, by a fearless assault on the fierce spirit of complexional 
caste, and by sending dismay into the ranks of the enemies 
of emancipation, it is not for me to proclaim. On this sub- 
ject, it is for candid and upright men to determine, in ac- 
cordance with the facts. 

The enemies of the Liberator are ever at work for its 
suppression. Are its friends as resolutely determined that 
it shall be sustained, ' a terror to evil-doers, and a praise to 
them that do well ' ? If so, they must not merely resolve — 
they must act ; for never has it been called to stem such a 
flood of opposition as is now swelling and dashing against it. 
Those who have seceded from the anti-slavery platform are 
peculiarly hostile to it. The clergy, as a body, spare no 
pains to cripple its circulation ; and their influence is very 
powerful. The radical reforms of the day have exhibited 
them in their true character, as blind leaders of the blind — 
as those who love the praises of men more than the praise of 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 183 

God — as the most faithless and skeptical of men. Hence 
their fierce opposition to the Liberator, which has been the 
principal instrument of their exposure, and their ceaseless 
efforts to silence its warning voice. For them to be ad- 
dressed like other men — to be examined, impeached and 
censured, as though they were no better than others — to 
be placed on the dead level of our common humanity, with- 
out any regard to their claims to superior sanctity — is an 
outrage not to be endured ! In order to shield themselves 
from utter condemnation, to avoid the necessity of repent- 
ance and confession of sin, and to intimidate such as are 
under their domination from searching for the truth, they 
have artfully raised the odious cry of ' Infidelity' against 
those who have been called to unmask them, and misrepre- 
sented their religious sentiments in the most flagrant manner. 
In too many instances, this artifice has been successful ; and 
there are not a few, who ' ran well for a time ' as abolition- 
ists, and who once rejoiced to mingle with persons of every 
shade of religion on the anti-slavery platform, but who have 
been frightened into a withdrawal from the ranks, in conse- 
quence of this appeal to sectarian exclusiveness. But the 
cunning shall yet be caught in their own craftiness. 

Not having been dismayed by the ciy of ' madman ! fa- 
natic ! incendiary ! ' at the commencement of my anti- 
slavery career, I shall not allow my peace to be disturbed 
by this cry of ' infidelity.' My infidelity consists in this ; 
I do not happen to agree with the majority in regard to 
certain outward forms and observances; — I have refused 
to connect myself with any religious sect, and to adopt a 
human creed as the standard of my faith ; — I do not 
believe that the clergy are impeccable — nay, I have dared 
to aflTirm that, as a body, they love the fleece better than 
they do their flocks, as their treatment of every righteous 
but unpopular reform plainly indicates; — I do nut believe 



184 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

that men can have the spirit of Christ, who hold their fel- 
low-creatures in bondage; — I do not believe it is right or 
consistent for abolitionists to support a pro-slavery priest- 
hood, or recognise a pro-slavery church as a religious 
body ; — I do not believe that it is right for Christians to 
imprison, hang or butcher their enemies ; — I do not believe 
that governments of human contrivance, upheld by military 
power, and administered by wicked rulers, are divine ; — I 
do not believe in the necessity of sinning against God, or 
being always more or less in bondage to the devil — I do 
not believe that Christ is unable to save his people from 
their sins in the present life, or that the world may not be 
overcome, through faith, by those who dwell in it ; — I do 
not believe in holiness of time, but in holiness of heart ; — 
I do not believe in a worldly sanctuary and ordinances of 
divine service, but in the true tabernacle which the Lord 
pitched, and not man, and in spiritual worship and commu- 
nion, without the intervention of any types or figures ; — 
and, finally, I do not believe in making religion a thing of 
circumstance, time or place — something distinct from the 
every-day pursuits and avocations of life — but earnestly 
maintain, with Him who was ranked among the ofTscouring 
of all things, that, whether we eat or drink, or whatsoever 
we do, we should do all to the glory of God. This is the 
head and front of my ' infidelity.' How far it is dishonor- 
able to God, or hostile to the temporal or eternal interests of 
man, I leave the reader to decide, according to the light 
that is in him. 

Before the Liberator was established, I doubt whether, on 
either side of the Atlantic, there existed a newspaper or 
periodical that admitted its opponents to be freely and im- 
partially heard through its columns — as freely as its friends. 
Without boasting, I claim to have set an example of fairness 
and magnanimity, in this respect, such as had never been 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 185 

set before ; cheerfully conceding to those who were hostile 
to my views, on any subject discussed in the Liberator, not 
only as much space as I, or as others agreeing with me, 
might occupy, but even more, if they desired it. From 
this course, I have never deviated. Nay, more ; I have not 
waited for opponents to send in their original contributions, 
but, in the absence of these, have constantly transferred 
their articles, published in other periodicals, to my own 
paper, without prompting from any quarter. In this man- 
ner, I have laid before my readers thousands of columns of 
matter, strongly denunciatory of my sentiments, crowded 
with sweeping misrepresentations of my designs, and bit- 
terly unjust in regard to the anti-slavery enterprise. To 
these, I have seldom appended a word of comment, to show 
their folly or malignity. Can any other editor in the world 
say as much ? 

For the hundredth time I repeat it, — the Liberator is an 
independent journal, devoted to the abolition of slavery in 
particular, and the cause of humanity in general ; that it is 
not, never has been, and, while it is mine, I am quite sure, 
never will be, the organ of any anti-slavery society, or any 
other organization whatever ; that, for its support, it is solely 
dependent on its subscription list ; that its aim is to reform, 
not merely to please ; and that it claims to be animated by 
the apostolic injunction, 'Prove all things — hold fast that 
which is good.' Hence it is not only unjust, but extremely 
base, to make any anti-slavery society responsible for what 
.appears in its columns, and equally absurd and unreasona- 
ble to complain that it is open to the discussion of other 
questions besides that of chattel slavery; and most unjust is 
it to hold me responsible for the views of my correspondents, 
any further than they are approved by me. Those who do 
not want, or cannot tolerate such a paper, have a very 
simple remedy at hand, so far as they are concerned — 
16* 



186 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

either not to subscribe for it, or, if they are subscribers, to 
discontinue it whenever they think proper. I mean that the 
Liberator shall be a free press, in a comprehensive and 
manly sense ; and I advise those who cannot endure free 
discussion to beware how they give it any countenance. 
But to those who believe with Jefferson, that ' error of 
opinion may be safely tolerated where reason is left free to 
combat it,' I present the Liberator as a journal conducted 
in the spirit of absolute independence and entire impartiality. 
It is as free to those who believe in eternizing slavery, as it 
is to the friends of immediate emancipation ; as free to the 
advocates of war, as it is to those of peace ; as free to the 
believers in the necessity of the gallows, as it is to those 
who plead for the entire abolition of capital punishment ; as 
free to those who maintain the holiness of the first or 
seventh day of the week, as it is to those who esteem every 
day alike ; as free to those who believe in the plenary in- 
spiration of the Bible, as it is to those who do not ; as free 
to those who regard woman as subordinate to man, as to 
those who believe that the rights of the sexes are equal ; 
and so on to the end of the catalogue. Now, then, when- 
ever any person withdraws his subscription, or refuses any 
longer to contribute to the National Anti-Slavery Bazaar, or 
the funds of the American Anti-Slavery Society, on account 
of both sides of every question being allowed an impartial 
hearing in the Liberator, or because he discovers in the 
paper sentiments which he deems heretical, I find no difficul- 
ty in reading the mind and spirit of that person, like an open 
book, printed in very legible characters ; and at once come 
to the conclusion, that his mind is narrow, or his spirit cow- 
ardly, or his confidence in the truth weaker than a bulrush, 
or his regard for the perishing bondman of a very superfi- 
cial stamp. For whoever is strong in the truth, never runs 
from the advocate of error ; whoever delights in progress, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 187 

believes in probing and testing ail things ; whoever admires 
freedom, likes equally well free discussion ; whoever ' re- 
members them that are in bonds as bound with them,' will 
never sacrifice their cause to gratify a sectarian spirit. 

I sincerely pity all bigots, pharisees, formalists, time- 
servers, and the like ; for they are ever querulous, uncom- 
fortable, suspicious, cowardly, and prescriptive of the true 
and good. These I expect to anathematise the Liberator, 
and to be utterly unable to read its pages with composure. 
To my ears, their mingled outcries against me of ' infi- 
delity, incendiarism, treason, fanaticism,' are like strains of 
melody ; and so long as these fill the air, I shall neither ask 
nor desire better evidences of the rectitude of my course, 
or the efficacy of my labors. 



Now let there be on earth an end of sin, 

And all oppression cease throughout the world ; 
The glorious reign of Holiness begin, 

And Satan's empire to the dust be hurled ! 
Let heavenly Peace her final victory win ! 

Let War's red banner be for ever furled ! — 
Resolve, Mankind ! to love and bless each other ; 

Forget each hateful caste, each jarring creed ; 
Behold in every man a friend and brother, 

And minister to him as he hath need. 
Are ye not children of a common Father ? 

Then to llis will implicitly give heed : — 
So Crime and Poverty shall disappear, 
And perfect bliss shall crown each new-born Year. 



188 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



fotrnrls frnni n /nnrtlj nf 3iili} (ftralioE. 

I PRESENT myself as the advocate of my enslaved coun- 
trymen, at a time when their claims cannot be shuffled out 
of sight, and on an occasion which entitles me to a respect- 
ful hearing in their behalf. If I am asked to prove their 
title to liberty, my answer is, that the Fourth of July is not 
a day to be wasted in establishing ' self-evident truths.' In 
the name of the God, who has made us of one blood, and 
in whose image we are created ; in the name of the Mes- 
siah, who came to bind up the broken-hearted, to proclaim 
liberty to the captives, and the opening of the prison to them 
that are bound ; I demand the immediate emancipation 
of those who are pining in slavery on the American soil, 
whether they are fattening for the shambles in Maryland and 
Virginia, or are wasting, as with a pestilent disease, on the 
cotton and sugar plantations of Alabama and Louisiana ; 
whether they are male or female, young or old, vigorous 
or infirm. I make this demand, not for the children merely, 
but the parents also ; not for one, but for all ; not with re- 
strictions and limitations, but unconditionally. I assert their 
perfect equality with ourselves, as a part of the human race, 
and their inalienable right to liberty and the pursuit of hap- 
piness. That this demand is founded in justice, and is 
therefore irresistible, the whole nation is this day acknowl- 
edging, as upon oath at the bar of the world. And not 
until, by a formal vote, the people repudiate the Declaration 
of Independence as a false and dangerous instrument, and 
cease to keep this festival in honor of liberty, as unworthy 
of note or remembrance ; not until they spike every cannon, 
and muffle every bell, and disband every procession, and 
quench every bonfire, and gag every orator ; not until they 
brand Washington, and Adams, and Jefferson, and Hancock, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 189 

as fanatics and madmen ; not until they place themselves 
again in the condition of colonial subserviency to Great 
Britain, or transform this republic into an imperial govern- 
ment ; not until they cease pointing exultingly to Bunker 
Hill, and the plains of Concord and Lexington ; not, in fine, 
until they deny the authority of God, and proclaim them- 
selves to be destitute of principle and humanity, will I 
argue the question, as one of doubtful disputation, on an 
occasion like this, whether our slaves are entitled to the 
rights and privileges of freemen. That question is settled 
irrevocably. There is no man to be found, unless he has a 
brow of brass and a heart of stone, who will dare to contest 
it on a day like this. A state of vassalage is pronounced, 
by universal acclamation, to be such as no man, or body of 
men, ought to submit to for one moment. I therefore tell 
the American slaves, that the time for their emancipation is 
come ; that, their own taskmasters being witnesses, they 
are created equal to the rest of mankind, and possess an 
inalienable right to liberty ; and that no man has a right to 
hold them in bondage. I counsel them not to fight for their 
freedom, both on account of the hopelessness of the effort, 
and because it is rendering evil for evil ; but I tell them, 
not less emphatically, it is not wrong in them to refuse to 
wear the yoke of slavery any longer. Let them shed no 
blood — enter into no conspiracies — raise no murderous 
revolts ; but, whenever and wherever they can break their 
fetters, God give them the courage to do so ! And should 
they attempt to elope from their house of bondage, and 
come to the North, may each of them find a covert from 
the search of the spoiler, and an invincible public sentiment 
to shield them from the grasp of the kidnapper ! Success 
attend them in their flight to Canada, to touch whose mo- 
narchical soil ensiJrcs freedom to every republican slave ! 
Is this preaching sedition ? Sedition against what ? Not 



190 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the lives of Southern oppressors for — I renew the solemn 
injunction, 'Shed no blood!' — but against unlawful au- 
thority, and barbarous usage, and unrequited toil. If slave- 
holders are still obstinately bent upon plundering and starv- 
ing their long-suffering victims, why, let them look well to 
consequences ! To save them from danger, I am not obli- 
gated to suppress the truth, or to stop proclaiming liberty 
' throughout all the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof.' 
No, indeed. There are two important truths, which, as far 
as practicable, I mean every slave shall be made to under- 
stand. The first is, that he has a right to his freedom now ; 
the other is, that this is recognised as a self-evident truth in 
the Declaration of American Independence. Sedition, for- 
sooth ! Why, what are the American people doing this day ? 
In theory, maintaining the freedom and equality of the 
human race ; and in practice, declaring that all tyrants ought 
to be extirpated from the face of the earth ! We are giving 
to our slaves the following easy sums for solution : — If the 
principle involved in a three-penny tax on tea justified a 
seven years' war, how much blood may be lawfully spilt in 
resisting the principle, that one human being has a right to 
the body and soul of another, on account of the color of his 
skin ? Again : — If the impressment of six thousand Ameri- 
can seamen, by Great Britain, furnished sufficient cause for a 
bloody struggle with that nation, and the sacrifice of hun- 
dreds of millions of capital, in self-defence, how many lives 
may be taken, by way of retribution, on account of the 
enslavement, as chattels, of more than two millions of 
American laborers ? 

Oppression and insurrection go hand in hand, as cause 
and effect are allied together. In what age of the world 
have tyrants reigned with impunity, or the victims of 
tyranny not resisted unto blood ? Besides our own grand 
insurrection against the authority of the mother country. 



I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 191 

there have been many insurrections, during the last two 
hundred years, in various sections of the land, on the part 
of the victims of our tyranny, but without the success that 
attended our own struggle. The last was the memorable 
one in Southampton, Virginia, headed by a black patriot, 
nicknamed, in the contemptuous nomenclature of slavery, 
Nat Turner. The name does not strike the ear so harmo- 
niously as that of Washington, or Lafayette, or Hancock, 
or Warren ; but the name is nothing. It is not in the power 
of all the slaveholders upon earth, to render odious the 
memory of that sable chieftain. ' Resistance to tyrants is 
obedience to God,' was our revolutionary motto. We acted 
upon that motto — what more did Nat Turner } Says 
George McDuffie, ' A people who deliberately submit to 
oppression, with a full knowledge that they are oppressed, 
are fit only to be slaves. No tyrant ever made a slave — 
no community, however small, having the spirit of freemen, 
ever yet had a master. It does not belong to men to count 
the costs, and calculate the hazards of vindicating their 
rights, and defending their liberties.' So reasoned Nat 
Turner, and acted accordingly. Was he a patriot, or a 
monster.'' Do we mean to say to the oppressed of all 
nations, in the 62d year of our independence, and on the 
4th of July, that our example in 1776 was a bad one, and 
ought not to be followed ? As a Christian non-resistant, I, for 
one, am prepared to say so ; but are the people ready to 
say, no chains ought to be broken by the hand of violence, 
and no blood spilt in defence of inalienable human rights, 
in any quarter of the globe .? If not, then our slaves will 
peradventure take us at our word, and there will be given 
unto us blood to drink, for we are worthy. Why accuse abo- 
litionists of stirring them up to insurrection.^ The charge 
is false ; but what if it were true ? If any man has a right 
to fight for liberty, this right equally extends to all men 



192 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

subjected to bondage. In claiming this right for themselves, 
the American people necessarily concede it to all mankind. 
If, therefore, they are found tyrannizing over any part of 
the human race, they voluntarily seal their own death-war- 
rant, and confess that they deserve to perish. 

* What are the banners ye exalt ? — the deeds 

That raised your fathers' pyramid of fame ? 
Ye show the wound that still in history bleeds, 

And talk exulting of the patriot's name — 
Then, when your words have waked a kindred flame, 

And slaves behold the freedom ye adore. 
And deeper feel their sorrow and their shame, 

Ye double all the fetters that they wore. 
And press them down to earth, till hope exults no more ! ' 

But, it seems, abolitionists have the audacity to tell the 
slaves, not only of their rights, but also of their wrongs ! 
That must be a rare piece of information to them, truly ! 
Tell a man who has just had his back flayed by the lash, 
till a pool of blood is at his feet, that somebody has flogged 
him ! Tell him who wears an iron collar upon his neck, 
and a chain upon his heels, that his limbs are fettered, as if 
he knew it not ! Tell those who receive no compensation 
for their toil, that they are unrighteously defrauded ! In 
spite of all their whippings, and deprivations, and forcible 
separations, like cattle in the market, it seems that the 
poor slaves realized a heaven of blissful ignorance, until 
their halcyon dreams were disturbed by the pictorial repre- 
sentations and exciting descriptions of the abolitionists ! 
What ! have not the slaves eyes ? have they not hands, 
organs, dimensions, senses, affections, passions .'' Are they 
not fed with the same food, hurt with the same weapons, 
subject to the same diseases, healed by the same means, 
warmed and cooled by the same winter and summer, as 
freemen are } ' If we prick them, do they not bleed ? if 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 193 

we tickle them, do they not laugh ? if we poison theni, do 
they not die ? and if we wrong them, will they not be re- 
venged ? ' 

' For the slaveholders,' we are told, ' there is no peace, 
by night or day ; but every moment is a moment of alarm, 
and their enemies are of their own household ! ' It is the 
hand of a friendly vindicator, moreover, that rolls up the 
curtain ! What but the most atrocious tyranny on the part 
of the masters, and the most terrible sufferings on the part 
of the slaves, can account for such alarm, such insecurity,, 
such apprehensions that ' even a more horrible catastrophe ' 
than that of arson and murder may transpire nightly ? It 
requires all the villany that has ever been charged upon. 
Southern oppressors, and all the wretchedness that has ever 
been ascribed to the oppressed, to work out so fearful a re- 
sult ; — and that the statement is true, the most distinguished 
slaveholders have more than once certified. That it is true, 
the entire code of slave laws — whips and yokes and fet- 
ters — the nightly patrol — restriction of locomotion on the 
part of the slaves, except with passes — muskets, pistols 
and bowie knives in the bed chambers during the hours of 
rest — the fear of the intercommunication of colored free- 
men and the slaves — the prohibition of even alphabetical 
instruction, under pains and penalties, to the victims of 
wrong — the refusal to admit their testimony against persons 
of a white complexion — the wild consternation and furious 
gnashing of teeth exhibited by the chivalric oppressors, at 
the sight of an anti-slavery publication — the rewards ofTered 
for the persons of abolitionists — the whipping of Dresser 
and the murder of Lovejoy — the plundering of the U. S. 
mail — the application of lynch law to all who are found 
sympathizing with the slave population as men, south of the 
Potomac — the reign of mobocracy in place of constitu- 
tional law — and, finally, the Pharaoh-like conduct of the 
17 



194 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

masters, in imposing new burdens and heavier fetters upon 
their down-trodden vassals — all these things, together with 
a long catalogue of others, prove that the abolitionists 
have not ' set down aught in malice ' against the South — 
that they have exaggerated nothing. They warn us, as 
with miraculous speech, that, unless justice be speedily done, 
a bloody catastrophe is to come, which will roll a gory tide 
of desolation through the land, and may peradventure blot 
out the memory of the scenes of St. Domingo. They are the 
premonitory rumblings of a great earthquake — the lava 
tokens of a heaving volcano ! God grant, that while there 
is time and a way to escape, we may give heed to these 
signals of impending retribution ! 

One thing I know full well. Calumniated, abhorred, per- 
secuted as the abolitionists have been, they constitute the 
body-guard of the slaveholders, not to strengthen their op- 
pression, but to shield them from the vengeance of their 
slaves. Instead of seeking their destruction, abolitionists 
are endeavoring to save them from midnight conflagration 
and sudden death, by beseeching them to remove the cause 
of insurrection ; and by holding out to their slaves the hope 
of a peaceful deliverance. We do not desire that any 
should perish. Having a conscience void of offence in this 
matter, and cherishing a love for our race which is ' without 
partiality and without hypocrisy,' no impeachment of our 
motives, or assault upon our character, can disturb the 
serenity of our minds ; nor can any threats of violence, or 
prospect of suffering, deter us from our purpose. That we 
manifest a bad spirit, is not to be decided on the testimony 
of the Southern slave driver, or his Northern apologist. 
That our philanthropy is exclusive, in favor of but one 
party, is not proved by our denouncing the oppressor, and 
sympathizing with his victim. That we are seeking popu- 
larity, is not apparent from our advocating an odious and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 195 

unpopular cause, and vindicating, at the loss of our reputa- 
tion, the rights of a people who are reckoned among the 
offscouring of all things. That our motives are not disin- 
terested, they who swim with the popular current, and 
partake of the gains of unrighteousness, and plunder the 
laborers of their wages, are not competent to determine. 
That our language is uncharitable and unchristian, they who 
revile us as madmen, fanatics, incendiaries, traitors, cut- 
throats, &c., &c., cannot be allowed to testify. That our 
measures are violent, is not demonstrated by the fact, that 
we wield no physical weapons, pledge ourselves not to coun- 
tenance insurrection, and present the peaceful front of non- 
resistance to those who put our lives in peril. That our 
object is chimerical or unrighteous, is not substantiated by 
the fact of its being commended by Almighty God, and 
supported by his omnipotence, as well as approved by the 
wise and good in every age and in all countries. If the 
charge, so often brought against us, be true, that our temper 
is rancorous and our spirit turbulent, how has it happened, 
that, during so long a conflict with slavery, not a single in- 
stance can be found in which an abolitionist has committed 
a breach of the peace, or violated any law of his country ? If 
it be true, that we are not actuated by the highest principles 
of rectitude, nor governed by the spirit of forbearance, I ask, 
once more, how it has come to pass, that when our meetings 
have been repeatedly broken up by lawless men, our prop- 
erty burnt in the streets, our dwellings sacked, our persons 
brutally assailed, and our lives put in imminent peril, we 
have refused to lift a finger in self-defence, or to maintain 
our rights in the spirit of worldly patriotism ? 

Will it be retorted, that we dare not resist — that we are 
cowards .'' Cowards ! No man believes it. They are the 
dastards, who maintain might makes right ; whose argu- 
ments are brickbats and rotten-eggs ; whose weapons are 



196 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

dirks and bowie-knives ; and whose code of justice is lynch 
law. A love of liberty, instead of unnerving men, makes 
them intrepid, heroic, invincible. It was so at Ther- 
mopylae — it was so on Bunker Hill. Who so tranquil, who 
so little agitated, in storm or sunshine, as the abolitionists ? 
But what consternation, what running to and fro like men at 
their wits' end, what trepidation, what anguish of spirit, 
on the part of their enemies ! How Southern slave-mon- 
gers quake and tremble at the faintest whisperings of an 
■abolitionist ! For, truly, ' the thief doth fear each bush an 
<9fficer.' O, the great poet of Nature is right — 

' Thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just — 
And he but naked, though locked up in steel, 
'Whose conscience with injustice is corrupted ! ' 

A greater than Shakspeare certifies, that ' the wicked flee 
when no man pursueth ; but the righteous are bold as a lion.' 
[n this great contest of Right against Wrong, of Liberty 
against Slavery, who are the wicked, if they be not those, 
who, like vultures and vampyres, are gorging themselves 
with human blood ? if they be not the plunderers of the 
poor, the spoilers of the defenceless, the traffickers in 
' slaves and the souls of men ' ? Who are the cowards, if 
not those who shrink from manly argumentation, the light 
of truth, the concussion of mind, and a fair field ? if not 
those whose prowess, stimulated by whiskey potations or the 
spirit of murder, grows rampant as the darkness of night 
approaches ; whose shouts and yells are savage and fiend- 
like ; who furiously exclaim, ' Down with free discussion ! 
down with the liberty of the press ! down with the right of 
petition ! down with constitutional law ! ' — who rifle mail- 
bags, throw types and printing presses into the river, burn 
public halls dedicated to ' Virtue, Liberty and Independ- 
ence,' and assassinate the defenders of inalienable human 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 197 

rights ? And who are the righteous, in tliis case, if they be 
not those who will ' have no fellowship with the unfruitful 
works of darkness, but rather reprove them ; ' who maintain 
that the laborer is worthy of his hire, that the marriage in- 
stitution is sacred, that slavery is a system accursed of God, 
that tyrants are the enemies of mankind, and that immediate 
emancipation should be given to all who are pining in bond- 
age ? Who are the truly brave, if not those who demand 
for truth and error alike, free speech, a free press, an open 
arena, the right of petition, and no quarters ? if not those, 
who, instead of skulking from the light, stand forth in the 
noontide blaze of day, and challenge their opponents to 
emerge from their wolf-like dens, that, by a rigid examina- 
tion, it may be seen who has stolen the wedge of gold, in 
whose pocket are the thirty pieces of silver, and whose gar- 
ments are stained with the blood of innocence ? 

The charge, then, that we are beside ourselves, that we 
are both violent and cowardly, is demonstrated to be false, 
in a signal manner. I thank God, that ' the weapons of our 
warfare are not carnal,' but spiritual. I thank him, that by 
his grace, and by our deep concern for the oppressed, we 
have been enabled, in Christian magnanimity, to pity and 
pray for our enemies, and to overcome their evil with good. 
Overcome, I say: not merely suffered unresistingly, but 
conquered gloriously. 

If it must be so, let the defenders of slavery still have 
all the brickbats, bowie-knives and pistols, which the land 
can furnish ; but let us still possess all the arguments, facts, 
warnings and promises, which insure the final triumph of 
our holy cause. 

Nothing is easier than for the abolitionists, if they were 

so disposed, as it were in the twinkling of an eye, to ' cry 

havoc and let slip the dogs of war,' and fill this whole land 

with the horrors of a civil and servile commotion. It is 

17* 



198 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

only for them to hoist but one signal, to kindle but a single 
torch, to give but a single bugle-call, and the three millions of 
colored victims of oppression, both bond and free, would 
start up as one man, and make the American soil drunk 
with the blood of the slain. How fearful and tremendous 
is the power, for good or evil, thus lodged in their hands ! 
Besides being stimulated by a desire to redress the wrongs 
of their enslaved countrymen, they could plead, in extenua- 
tion of their conduct for resorting to arms, (and their plea 
would be valid, according to the theory and practice of re- 
publicanism,) that they had cruel wrongs of their own to 
avenge, and sacred rights to secure, inasmuch as they are 
thrust out beyond the pale of the Constitution, excluded 
from one half of the Union by the fiat of the lynch code, 
deprived of the protection of law, and branded as traitors, 
because they dare to assert that God wills all men to be 
FREE ! Now, I frankly put it to the understandings of 
Southern men, whether, in view of these considerations, it 
is adding any thing to their safety, or postponing the much 
dreaded catastrophe a single hour, — whether, in fact, it is 
not increasing their peril, and rendering an early explo- 
sion more probable, — for them to persevere in aggrava- 
ting the condition of their slaves by tightening their chains 
and increasing the heavy burdens — or in wreaking their 
.malice upon the free people of color — or in adopting every 
■base and unlawful measure to wound the character, destroy 
the property, and jeopard the lives of abolitionists, and thus 
leaving no stone unturned to inflame them to desperation ? 
All this, Southern men have done, and are still doing, as if 
animated by an insane desire to be destroyed. 

The object of the Anti-Slavery association is not to de- 
stroy men's lives, — despots though they be, — but to pre- 
vent the spilling of human blood. It is to enlighten the un- 
derstanding, arouse the conscience, afl^ect the heart. We 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 199 

rely upon moral power alone for success. The ground 
upon wliich we stand belongs to no sect or party — it is holy 
ground. Whatever else may divide us in opinion, in this 
one thing we arc agreed — that slaveholding is a crime 
under all circumstances, and ought to be immediately and 
unconditionally abandoned. We enforce upon no man 
either a political or a religious test, as a condition of mem- 
bership ; but, at the same time, we expect every abolitionist 
to carry out his principles consistently, impartially, faith- 
fully, in whatever station he may be called to act, or 
wherever conscience may lead him to go. I hail this union 
of hearts as a bright omen, that all is not lost. To the 
slaveholding South, it is more terrible than a military army 
with banners. It is indeed a sublime spectacle to see men 
forgetting their jarring creeds and party affinities, and em- 
bracing each other as one and indivisible, in a struggle in 
behalf of our common Christianity and our common nature. 
God grant that no root of bitterness may spring up to divide 
us asunder ! ' United we stand, divided we fall ' — and if 
we fall, what remains for our country but a fearful looking 
for of judgment and of fiery indignation, that shall con- 
sume it ? Fall we cannot, if our trust be in the Lord of 
hosts, and in the power of his might — not in man, nor any 
body of men. Divided we cannot be, if we truly ' remem- 
ber them that are in bonds as bound with them,' and love 
our neighbors as ourselves. 

Genuine abolitionism is not a hobby, got up for personal or 
associated aggrandizement ; it is not a political ruse ; it is 
not a spasm of sympathy, which lasts but for a moment, 
leaving the system weak and worn ; it is not a fever of en- 
thusiasm ; it is not the fruit of fanaticism ; it is not a spirit 
of faction. It is of heaven, not of men. It lives in the 
heart as a vital principle. It is an essential part of Chris- 
tianity, and aside from it there can be no humanity. Its 



200 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

scope is not confined to the slave population of the United 
States, but embraces mankind. Opposition cannot weary 
it out, force cannot put it down, fire cannot consume it. It 
is the spirit of Jesus, who was sent ' to bind up the broken- 
hearted, to proclaim liberty to the captives, and the opening 
of the prison to them that are bound ; to proclaim the 
acceptable year of the Lord, and the day of vengeance of 
our God.' Its principles are self-evident, its measures 
rational, its purposes merciful and just. It cannot be di- 
verted from the path of duty, though all earth and hell 
oppose ; for it is lifted far above all earth-born fear. When 
it fairly takes possession of the soul, you may trust the soul- 
carrier any where, that he will not be recreant to humanity. 
In short, it is a life, not an impulse — a quenchless flame of 
philanthropy, not a transient spark of sentimentalism. 



Friend of mankind ! for thee I fondly cherish 

Th' exuberance of a brother's glowing love ; 
And never in my memory shall perish 

Thy name or worth — so time shall truly prove ! 

Thy spirit is more gentle than a dove, 
Yet hath an angel's energy and scope ; 

Its flight is towering as the heaven above, 
And with the outstretched earth doth bravely cope. 
Thou standest on an eminence so high, 

All nations congregate around its base ; 
There, with a kindling soul and piercing eye, 

The wrongs and sufferings of thy kind dost trace 
Thy country is the world — thou know'st no other - 
And every man, in every clime, thy brother I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 201 



In a speech delivered in Niblo's Garden, New York, in 
1837, Daniel Webster said, witli an emphasis which elicit- 
ed from the vast assembly almost deafening cheers, — ' On 
the general question of slavery, a great portion of the com- 
munity is already strongly excited. The question has not 
only attracted attention as a question of politics, but it has 
struck a far deeper chord. It has arrested the religious 

FEELING OF THE COUNTRY ; IT HAS TAKEN STRONG HOLD OF 

THE CONSCIENCES OF MEN. He is a rasJi man^ indeed, little 
conversant with human nature, and especially has he a very 
erroneous estimate of the character of the people of this 
country, tcho supposes that a feeling of this kind is to he 
trifled ivith or despised. It will assuredly cause itself 
TO be respected. It may be reasoned with ; it may be 
made willing — I believe it is entirely willing — to fulfil all 
existing engagements and all existing duties ; to uphold and 
defend the Constitution as it is established, with whatever 
regrets about some provisions which it does actually contain. 
But, ^0 coerce it into silence — to endeavor to restrain its 
free expression — to seek to compress and confine it, loarm as 
it is, and more heated as such endeavors ivould inevitably 
render it — should all this be attempted, I know nothing 
IN the Constitution, or even in the Union itself, which 
would not be endangered by the explosion which might 
follow.' 

This estimate of the spirit which animates and controls 
the Anti-Slavery movement is justified by all the facts con- 
nected with the rise and progress of that movement. 

Slavery is not only inhuman and anti-christian, but athe- 
istical, in the most depraved sense of that term. Indeed, 
there has never been any other form of atheism, as a system. 



202 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

known to the world. This is none the less true, because 
slaveholders profess to revere God, to believe in Christ, and 
to receive the Bible as an inspired volume. Their religious 
profession only deepens their condemnation, and makes their 
daily practice all the more appalling. In respect to those 
whom they have chattelized, their conduct is thoroughly 
atheistical. 

Exalting themselves ' above all that is called God,' they 
claim and exercise absolute authority over their victims, to 
the annihilation of all personality. A slave is one who 
must have no other God than his master — no higher law 
than the will of him who claims him as his property ; whose 
intellect must not be developed ; whose conscience is not to 
be governed by moral considerations ; whose soul may lay 
no claim to immortality. In slavery, all human ties are 
abrogated ; the parent has no child, the child no parent ; 
there is neither father nor mother, neither husband nor wife, 
neither brother nor sister ; no genealogical descent or rela- 
tionship is recognised. Hence the appearance in the South- 
ern journals of advertisements like the following: — 'Will 
be sold, on Monday and Tuesday, the second and third day 
of December next, ... all the right, title, and interest of 
the subscriber, in and to the contents of a Country Store, 
consisting of a quantity of Dry Goods, Shoes, Umbrellas, 
Medicines, Hardware, Wines, Champaign Cider, and a 
variety of other articles. Also, three Negroes, Levinia and 
her two children. Also, a Horse, Carriage, Dray and Cart.' 
What is this but a bold denial of the accountability and im- 
mortality of those who are created ' in the image of God ' } 

Now, if Christianity has any work to accomplish, surely it 
is the utter subversion of an atheistical system like this ; if 
the religious sentiment is to be arrayed against any form of 
iniquity, it must be against this, which is unparalleled for its 
enormity. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 203 

Since the advent of the Founder of Christianity, no effort 
for the melioration of the condition of man has been more 
largely imbued with the religious element, in its purest and 
most vital form, than the Anti-Slavery movement. This 
declaration may astonish, and even shock, some who have 
been taught by their religious teachers to regard this move- 
ment as disorganizing in its tendencies and infidel in its spirit. 
Are not the abolitionists every where stigmatized as infidels, 
fanatics, incendiaries, madmen — equally hostile to the peace 
of the nation and the stability of the Christian Church ? 
Yes — but this stigma is not less malignant than was the 
accusation brought against Jesus — ' He casteth out devils 
through Beelzebub, the chief of the devils . . . We found 
this fellow perverting the nation, and forbidding to give trib- 
ute to Csesar .... He stirreth up the people, teaching 
throughout all Jewry, beginning from Galilee to this place.' 
In what manner, in any age, is true piety best authenticated ? 
Not by professions of reverence for dead saints or heroes ; 
not by conformity to the usages of popular religion ; not by 
the observance of rites and ceremonies, or of times and 
seasons ; not by the surrender of reason to arbitrary author- 
ity, or of conscience to ecclesiastical dictation ; not by a 
dread of dissent, or fear of change, or dislike of investiga- 
tion ; not by making public opinion the standard of action, 
or what is customary the rule of duty ; not by exclaiming, 
* Lord, Lord, have we not prophesied in thy name, and in 
thy name done many wonderful works ? ' These things arc 
easily said and done. The test is in regarding principles 
more than persons, the present more than the past, truth 
more than tradition, humanity more than parchment; in 
refusing to go with the multitude in any evil way ; in letting 
the dead bury their dead ; in stemming the tide of popular 
corruption, arraigning unjust laws, exciting the fury of the 
oppressor, returning good for evil, and living above that 



204 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

' fear of man which bringeth a snare ; ' in being willing to be 
made of no reputation, and to suffer the loss of all things, 
for righteousness' sake. 

Consider, now, the actual condition of the colored popu- 
lation of this country ; despised, shunned, insulted, outraged, 
enslaved, by common consent, with deliberate purpose, sys- 
tematically and perseveringly, by all that is respectable, 
wealthy, and pow^erful — by all that is vulgar, brutal, and 
fiendish ! They are universally treated as a leprous race on 
account of their complexion ; so that to such of them as are 
nominally free, every avenue to political and social equality, 
to wealth and station, to learning and improvement, is closed ; 
and it is deemed ridiculous and impudent for them to aspire 
to be any thing else than hewers of wood and drawers 'of 
water for their white contemners. The great body of them 
registered with cattle and swine, and stripped of all their 
rights as human beings, to interpose for their deliverance is 
to come into collision with a spirit more unrelenting, mur- 
derous and God-defying than any other that ever assumed 
the despotic form, and which rules this whole nation ' with a 
rod of iron.' 

Again, consider the degradation, helplessness, and utter 
destitution of these oppressed millions. They are ignorant, 
and cannot read ; in a hopeless minority as to physical 
strength ; cut off from all correspondence, even with those 
who desire to befriend them ; without any thing in the world 
that they may call their own ; hence the espousal of their 
cause requires rare disinterestedness, as well as great moral 
courage. 

Consider, moreover, that in the immediate presence of the 
Slave Power, no one can demand the liberation of its vic- 
tims, or enter his protest against their enslavement, except 
at the imminent peril of his life. So dreadful is that power, 
that, of a thousand pulpits on its soil, not one has the martyr- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 205 

spirit to confront it — of a thousand churches, whether Cath- 
olic, Episcopal, Presbyterian, Baptist, or Methodist, not one 
has the courage to unchristianize it. No meetings can be 
held to discuss tlic question of human rights, in relation to 
the slave population ; no press is tolerated to speak out 
boldly and uncompromisingly against making man the prop- 
erty of man ; a dead silence is everywhere enforced, a gag; 
is put into every mouth, except when slavery is to be defend- 
ed, or the friends of impartial liberty are to be denounced.. 
Not only are there the severest legal penalties to be incurred 
by agitating the subject, but outrage and death in their most 
appalling forms, by what is called the ' lynch ' process. No 
parallel to this state of society can be found in any despotic 
government on earth. 

Consider, finally, that by its professed expounders and- 
teachers in this country, generally, Christianity has been: 
made to sanction the right to ' trade in slaves and the souls 
of men,' to any extent! Yes, in the Law given by Moses,. 
in the Gospel as promulgated by Christ, they maintain that 
divine authority is given to one portion of the human family 
to enslave another ! Hence to own a thousand slaves is no> 
barrier to religious fellowship, no stain upon the Christian 
profession, no cause for church discipline. Hence it is com- 
mon for ministers and church members at the South to be 
slaveholders; and none are more angry than they at any 
proposition for emancipation, or more ready to instigate to the 
infliction of summary and cruel punishment on any one 
suspected of being an abolitionist. 

It is under such circumstances, that slavery must be assail- 
ed — with the certainty of no reward on the part of its vic- 
tims, as they have nothing to give, and know not when or 
by whom their claims arc advocated — with the certainly of 
being derided, caricatured, hated, calumniated, in the North, 
and tarred and feathered, or hung, at the South — with the 
18 



206 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

certainty of being branded with ' infidelity,' and charged 
with rejecting the Bible, in all parts of the country ! 

Now, then, when was it ever known that bad men became 
the advocates of suffering humanity, in the midst of fiery 
trials like these ? Never ! If an unfaltering faith in the 
promises of God — the deepest sympathy with Christ, and 
love for his character — were ever demanded or exemplified, 
it has been in the prosecution of the Anti-Slavery movement, 
from its commencement to the present hour. As, on the 
other side of the Atlantic, in the struggle for the abolition of 
British West India slavery, the purest, the most disinterested, 
the most philanthropic, the most truly pious, rallied together ; 
so, on this side, the same elements have mingled for the 
deliverance of a much larger number from bondage, but 
through tribulation and peril unknown abroad. The men 
and the women whom God has inspired to demand liberty 
for the enslaved in this land are worthy of the apostolic age. 
They need no defence. The position which they serenely 
maintain in the midst of a scoffing and merciless nation ; 
feared, abhorred, proscribed by the pharisaical, the power- 
ful, and the despotic ; howled at and hunted by the lewd, 
the profane, and the riotous ; honored and blest by the suf- 
fering and the oppressed, is their noblest eulogy. They are 
neither fanatical nor mad, neither foolish nor ignorant, neither 
violent nor impracticable, but speak ' the words of truth and 
soberness,' plainly and unequivocally. They ask nothing 
more than that liberty may be ' proclaimed throughout all 
the land, unto all the inhabitants thereof.' As friends, neigh- 
bors, citizens, in all the relations and duties of life, they have 
no cause to shrink from a comparison with their traducers. 
In their company, the ungodly take no delight. It is their 
aim to keep their consciences void of offence towards God 
and towards man. Nor is the abolition of slavery the only 
enterprise in which their sympathies are enlisted. The tem- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 207 

perance cause has no more thorough and reliable supporters ; 
they constitute the backbone of the peace enterprise, in its 
radical form ; in all the reform movements of the age, they 
feel a friendly interest. For the last twenty years, they 
have been ' a spectacle to angels and to men' — but where 
is the evidence of their misconduct to be found, except in 
opening their mouths for the suffering and the dumb r The 
cry of ' fanaticism ' and ' infidelity ' against them is raised 
to divert attention from the true issue, to excite popular 
odium, and to hide conscious guilt. Their fanaticism is all 
embraced in the American Declaration of Independence ; 
they are infidel to the Slave Power, and will not bow down 
to a corrupt public sentiment. What motive, but reverence 
for God and love for man, could have induced them to take 
their position by the side of the imbruted slave ? Were they 
not connected with the various religious sects and political 
parties — clinging to these with characteristic tenacity, and 
highly esteemed for their zeal and fidelity > And what have 
they not yielded to their convictions of duty, their regard for 
principle, their love of right ? The ties of sect and of par- 
ty, reputation, the hope of worldly preferment, pecuniary 
interest, personal safety, in some instances, life itself. They 
are intelligently and deeply religious, without cant or pre- 
tence ; but neither expect nor desire any recognition of 
their Christian character on the part of a people ' whose 
feet run to evil, and who make haste to shed innocent 
blood.' 

When, therefore, Mr. Webster, thirteen years ago, con- 
fessed that the subject of slavery had ' taken strong hold on 
the consciences of men,' and 'arrested the religious feeling 
of the country,' his vision was clear, his understanding 
sound, his testimony true ; when he admonished those who 
listened to him, that ' a feeling of this kind was not to be 
trifled with or despised,' but would ' assuredly cause itself 



208 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

to be respected,' he uttered a sentiment which cannot be 
too deeply impressed upon the public mind, and especially 
upon the legislation of the country, at the present time ; 
when he declared, as his conviction, that ' to coerce it into 
silence, to endeavor to restrain its free expression, to seek to 
repress and confine it, there is nothing even in the Constitu- 
tion, or in the Union itself, which would not be endangered 
by the explosion that might follow,' he evinced a familiar 
.acquaintance with the martyr-history of the ages, and show- 
•ed a deep insight into human nature. For as the Anti-Sla- 
very movement rests on an eternal basis, and challenges the 
support of all those who fear God, it is sure in the end to 
triumph ; and in proportion to the resistance made against it 
will be the convulsion attending its irresistible progress. 
Nothing can overturn it ; nothing hold it back. Govern- 
mental edicts for its suppression will be as chaff before the 
whirlwind ; compromises and combinations to deceive or 
crush it will all be in vain. If American slavery can be 
perpetuated, then there is no essential difference between a 
man and a beast ; then every form of despotism may con- 
tinue to the end of time ; then Christ has died in vain ; 
ithen the Creator is weaker than the creature whom he has 
•made. 

Within the last twelve months, a radical change appears 
.to have taken place in the feelings and sentiments of Mr. 
Webster on the subject of slavery. No case of apostacy is 
comparable to it since the days of Judas Iscariot. In view 
of it, conscientious and enlightened men of all sects and 
parties are filled with sadness and amazement. There is 
nothing to mitigate its turpitude — no assignable cause for it, 
except the desperate hope of filling the Presidential Chair 
as the reward of the blackest treachery to the cause of Lib- 
erty. 

On the 7th of March, 1850, in his place in the Senate of 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 209 

the United States, at a crisis when every blow struck for 
freedom was of incalculable importance — when the slight- 
est defection from the path of rectitude was pregnant with 
momentous consequences — Mr. Webster threw off the mask, 
turned his back upon the free North, humbled himself even 
to the dust in the presence of the Slave Power, and has ever 
since been prostituting his great powers to the work of 
crushing the Anti-Slavery spirit of the age ! It is not for 
him any longer to exclaim, ' Where shall I go ? ' He has 
reached the lowest depths of moral depravhy. He may 
boast that he ' takes no steps backwards' — his strides from 
Plymouth Rock to Carol ina lead as surely to perdition. There 
are steps downwards as well as backwards. 

• Since he, miscalled the Morning Star, 
Nor man, nor fiend, hath fallen so far.' 

To sustain this grave impeachment, a brief reference to 
the sentiments avowed in his recent speeches and letters must 
suffice, the limits necessarily assigned to this article forbid- 
ding an extended review. 

There is no man, who has professed higher veneration for 
the memories and deeds of our Pilgrim Fathers and Revo- 
lutionary Sires, than Mr. Webster. The names of Carver, 
and Standish, and Bradford — of Washington, and Hancock, 
and Warren — are ever on his lips. He was the chosen 
Orator of Liberty at the laying of the Monumental Corner- 
stone on Bunker Hill. He is one of twenty millions of 
people, who are never weary of extolling the Declaration of 
Independence. Yet, to reconcile the whole country to the 
most hideous system of oppression attainable, he says — as 
though ancient villany were time-honored virtue — ' Wo all 
know that slavery has existed in the world from time imme- 
morial.' And it is not less certain that the spirit of violence 
and murder has prevailed ever since Cain slew his brother 
18* 



210 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Abel ! Ought all efforts therefore to be frowned upon, which 
aim to promote peace on earth and good will among men ? 
' There was slavery,' he continues, ' in the earliest periods 
of history, in the Oriental nations.' The best of all reasons 
why it should no longer be suffered to curse any portion of 
the earth. ' There was slavery among the Jews ; the theo- 
cratic government of that people made no injunction against 
it.' As Mr. Webster doubtless regards that form of govern- 
ment as having proceeded directly from God, he means to 
be understood as saying, that God regarded with approbation 
the act of his chosen people in reducing others to chattel 
bondage ! What, then, becomes of free agency, conscience, 
reason, accountability ? Where are the inalienable rights 
of man ^ At what period did it become a ' self-evident truth, 
that all men are created equal ' ? The imputation thus cast 
upon Him ' who has made of one blood all nations of men,' 
and ' whose tender mercies are over all the works of His 
hand,' is ever to be repelled as in the highest degree impious. 
The nature of man has been the same in all ages, and it has 
ever rebelled against oppression. God never yet made a 
human being for the chains and stripes of servitude. Over 
the head of the oppressor, the clouds of divine retribution 
are constantly impending, and his doom is sealed. 

To the assertion, that ' there was slavery among the Jews,' 
-we reply that, if so, it was because they forsook ' the ordi- 
nances of justice,' and * built high the places of Tophet.' 
Why did Mr. Webster forget to inform the Senatorial body 
whom he was addressing, that these Jewish oppressors were 
admonished and rebuked by their prophets, (the abolitionists 
of their times,) in the following style: — ' Seek judgment, 
relieve the oppressed, judge the fatherless, plead for the 
widow ' — ' Loose the bands of wickedness, undo the heavy 
burdens, let the oppressed go free, break every yoke.' 

Not satisfied with staining the Law with cruel injustice, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 211 

Mr. Webster proceeds to sully the Gospel. He says: — 
' At the introduction of Christianity into the world, the Roman 
world was full of slaves ; and I suppose there is to be found 
no injunction against that relation between man and man, 
(i. e. the relation of one man as a piece of property ta 
another man as the owner of it !) in the teachings of the 
Gospel of Jesus Christ, or any of his Apostles.' The mean- 
ing of this language is, that Christianity lays no prohibition 
upon the strong enslaving the weak ; and the object of this 
reference is, to soothe the troubled conscience of this nation 
by making slavery and the Gospel compatible with each 
other ! No marvel, therefore, that, in this besotted state of 
mind, Mr. Webster denies that there is any such thing as 
absolute justice, and sneeringly says — ' There are men who 
are of opinion, that human duties may be ascertained with 
the exactness of mathematics. They deal with morals as 
with mathematics, and they think what is right may be distin- 
guished from what is wrong with the precision of an alge- 
braic question.' Hence, there are no natural relations of 
life, no permanent rules of justice, no fixed and immutable 
laws of God ! Morality is a shifting sand-bar, which makes 
safe navigation at all times difficult ! Right differs so Ihtle 
from Wrong, in its spirit, aspect and claims, that it is 
extremely difficult to determine wherein they conflict ! This 
is a very convenient doctrine for one who has put principle 
under his feet, and thrown away his manhood to gratify a 
wicked ambition ; but in theory it is atheistical, in practice 
profligate, and in its consequences appalling. 

However perplexing in casuistry some questions may be, 
there are such things as ' self-evident truths ; ' there are some 
human duties too plain to be mistaken. The slave is a 
MAN ! 

' Though by his brother bought and sold, 
And beat, and scourged, and a' that. 



212 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

His wrongs can ne'er be felt nor told, 

Yet he's a man, for a' that ! 
For a' that, and a' that, 

His bod)' chained, and a' that, 
The image of his God remains — 

The slave's a man, for a' that ! ' 

In him, therefore, the Divine image is to be revered, not des- 
ecrated ; his rights are all that pertain to any human being ; 
to enslave him is to be guilty of man-stealing. 

But, in the estimation of Mr. Webster, the slave is noth- 
ing — three millions of slaves are nothing — nothing, cer- 
tainly, humanly considered — nothing but personal property, 
and only as such worthy of any solicitude — nothing deserv- 
ing of prayer or effort for their deliverance ! His sympa- 
thies, affinities, energies, associations, are wholly with their 
remorseless oppressors. He sees nothing in slavery re- 
proachful to the character, injurious to the prosperity, or 
dangerous to the stability of the Republic ; it is the effort 
making to abolish it that alarms and inflames him ! Of the 
Anti-Slavery societies he says, without qualification — ' I do 
not think them useful. I think their operations for the last 
twenty years have produced nothing good or valuable ... I 
cannot but see what mischiefs their interference with the 
South has produced . . . The result of it has been, not to 
enlarge, but to restrain, not to set free, but to bind faster the 
slave population of the South. That is my judgment.' The 
very language of the dealers in human flesh, who are aiming 
to eternize slavery on the American soil ; who are eager to 
imbrue their hands in the blood of the abolitionists ; who 
turn pale whenever they hear their crimes alluded to, and 
become frantic at the sight of an Anti-Slavery publication ! 
The charge is alike absurd and monstrous. 

It is in this cool, oracular and audacious manner, that Mr. 
Webster, from his high position, pours contempt and scorn 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 213. 

upon the tears of the sympathizhig, the prayers of the afflict- 
ed, the labors of the philanthropic. If it were in his power, 
he would disband every Anti-Slavery Society, and suppress 
all discussion of the subject of slavery. According to his 
miserable logic, to demand justice for the wronged, liberty 
for the enslaved, is the very way to perpetuate injustice and 
to prolong human servitude. How, then, would he abolish 
the slave system ? Let him answer: — 'As it has existed 
in the country, and as it now exists, I have expressed no 
opinion of the mode of its extinguishment or ameliora- 
tion . . . I have nothing to propose on that subject.' Pro- 
found statesman ! But on one point he feels himself 
competent to act : — ' If any gentleman from the South shall 
propose a scheme of colonization, to be carried on by this 
government upon a large scale, for the transportation of free 
colored people to any colony or any place in the world, I 
should be quite disposed to incur almost any degree of 
expense to accomplish that object' ! ! — an object dastardly, 
unjust, inhuman, to the last degree — an object which the 
slaveholding perpetualists have for more than thirty years 
sought to accomplish, through deception, violence, and perse- 
cution, for the purpose of holding their slaves more secure- 
ly in bondage ! Mr. Webster prides himself upon his title 
of ' Defender of the Constitution.' In what article or clause 
of that instrument can he find any warrant, on the part of 
Congress, to expend any portion of the national revenue in 
transporting to other lands citizens of this country, on 
account of their freedom and the hue of their skin ? Accu- 
mulated shame upon him for such a proposition ! 

' New England, it is well known,' says Mr. Webster, ' is 
the chosen seat of the abolition presses and the abolition 
societies.' Why should it not be ? The struggle for the 
abolition of slavery is a moral one, and the moral power of 
this nation lies chiefly in New England. ' Here it is,princi- 



214 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



pally,' continues this distinguished scoffer, ' that the former 
cheer the morning by full columns of lamentations over the 
fate of human beings free by nature, and by a law above 
the Constitution — but sent back, nevertheless, chained and 
manacled, to slavery and to stripes ; and the latter refresh 
themselves from daily toil by orgies of the night, devoted to 
the same outpourings of philanthropy — mingling all the 
while their anathemas at what they call ' man-catching,' with 
the most horrid and profane abjurations of the Christian 
Sahhath, and, indeed, of the whole of Divine Revelation, 
They sanctify their philanthropy hy irreligion and profani- 
ty ; they manifest their charity ly contempt of God and his 
commandments.'* 

Examine this whole extract. Can its parallel be found on 
the score of insensibility to human degradation and suffering, 
as experienced by the poor imbruted slave — of misrepre- 
sentation and calumny of thousands of as intelligent, virtu- 
ous, humane and Christian men and women as were ever 
united to extend the reign of justice and mercy — and, at the 
same time, of affected regard for the cause of religion ? 
Where has so much of barbarity, malice, falsehood, and 
cant, ever been compressed into so small a compass ? There 
is Satanic skill in the grouping of its several parts. He talk 
of the ' Christian Sabbath,' of reverencing a day, who looks 
with complacency upon the desecration of the image of 
God, and mocks at the ' lamentations ' which are raised by 
the pure and tender-hearted over lacerated bodies, and dark- 
ened minds, and ruined souls ! He talk of ' Divine Revela- 
tion,' who affirms that the Gospel of Jesus Christ contains no 
injunction against turning men, women and children into 
chattels personal ! He concerned for the honor of God and 
keeping his commandments, who laughs at the idea of a 
' higher law ' than that enacted at the last session of Congress 
for the re-capture of fugitive slaves, and with whom allegi- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 215 

ance to a blood-stained compact is the end of the law for 
righteousness ! Marvellous assurance ! 

As for the charge, that the Abolition Societies of New 
England indulge in ' the most horrid and profane abjurations 
of the Christian Sabbath,' it is utterly and inexcusably false. 
Mr. Webster is challenged to produce a particle of evidence 
to substantiate it. Let him show when or where any one of 
those societies ever used the abjurations alleged, or stand 
before the world a convicted libeller. In regard to their 
members, they are composed of persons differing more or 
less as to their religious opinions, (like the temperance and 
peace societies,) but united for one common object — the 
liberation of the fettered bondman. They have never enter- 
tained for discussion, they have never adopted, any other 
question than that which relates legitimately to their enter- 
prise. Without attempting to determine any extraneous sub- 
ject — whether the first, or seventh, or any other day, is 
peculiarly holy time — they unite in sentiment with the 
Great Teacher, that ' it is lawful to do well on the Sabbath 
day,' and therefore commendable in the sight of God to 
endeavor to extricate, on that day, the millions of our coun- 
trymen who are perishing in the pit of slavery. As for 
' horrid and profane abjurations,' they leave all such to be 
made by those, who, like Mr. Webster, ' strike hands with 
thieves, and consent with adulterers'; who, being on the 
side of tyranny, have neither argument nor fact wherewith 
to justify themselves ; whose weapons of defence are lies 
and forgeries, sophistries and shams, tar and feathers, brick- 
bats and rotten eggs, pistols and bowie knives ; who hunt 
for the life of him who pleads for those who are appointed 
to destruction, and riotously trample all law and order under 
their feet. It is this wicked accuser and his man-stealing 
confederates — not abolitionists nor Abolition Societies — 
who manifest ' contempt of God and his commandments,' 



216 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and whose ' irreligion and profanity,' intemperance and lewd- 
ness, are corrupting the nation. 

In 1837, when his vision was clear and his judgment sound, 
Mr. Webster could testify that it ' was the religious feeling 
of this country' that was struggling for the overthrow of 
slavery, and could do homage to it. In 1850, now that he 
has wholly apostatized from the cause of freedom, he brands 
that feeling as irreligious and profane, makes its ' lamenta- 
tions ' over the woes of the slave a subject of merriment, 
treats it as ' a spirit of faction and disunion, of discord, 
crimination and recrimination,' and stigmatizes those who 
are animated by its spirit as ' shallow, ignorant, and factious 
men ' ! Nay, more — as for the general excitement against 
slavery, it is utterly inexplicable to him ! ' I suspect all this,' 
he says, with feigned ignorance of its cause and aim, ' to 
be the effect of that wandering and vagrant philanthropy 
which disturbs and annoys all that is present, in time or 
place, by heating the imagination on subjects distant, remote, 
and uncertain (!)... A spirit should prevail, which shall 
look to things important and real, and less to things ideal 
and abstract (!)... I shall support no agitations having 
their foundations in unreal, ghostly abstractions (!) . . . May 
my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, before it may 
utter any sentiment which shall increase the agitation in the 
public mind on such a subject ! ' 

' The wandering and vagrant philanthropy,' which so ' dis- 
turbs and annoys ' Mr. Webster, is kindred to that which was 
manifested by Jesus and his disciples, eighteen hundred 
years ago, to the consternation and displeasure of scribe, 
pharisee, and ruler ; for which the memories of Howard, 
Oberlin, Wilberforce, Clarkson, and other illustrious 
benefactors of their race, are now venerated ; and which 
makes human redemption the absorbing object of its solici- 
tude. It does not 'heat the imagination' — it warms the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 217 

heart. It ' wanders' only to save — it is ' vagrant' only as 
it is persecuted from city to city. It is not, (as is foolishly 
alleged by Mr. Webster,) that it looks to ' things ideal and 
abstract,' that it creates general uneasiness ; it is, that it 
deals with ' things important and real,' and calls for the sup- 
pression of all abuses. 

What can be more preposterous than the assertion, that 
the Anti-Slavery agitation has its foundations in ' unreal, 
ghostly abstractions ' ? Is the slave system or the slave 
code an abstraction ? Are whips and chains, padlocks and 
thumb-screws, branding-irons and blood-hounds, ' unreal ab- 
stractions ' ? Are slave-holders, slave-breeders, slave-buyers, 
overseers and drivers, only ' ghostly ' illusions ? It would be 
much to his credit, if Mr. Webster should let his tongue cleave 
to the roof of his mouth, rather than to use it so absurdly 
and basely. 

In one breath, he asserts that ' the slavery question New 
England can interfere with only as a meddler : she has no 
more to do with it than she has to do with the municipal gov- 
ernment of a city on the island of Cuba ' ! In the next, he 
insists that constitutional safeguards should be thrown around 
that system as much by Massachusetts as by Georgia ; that 
no fugitive slave should receive food or raiment, or any pro- 
tection whatever, in all the free North ; that such as have 
escaped from the Southern house of bondage ought to have 
long since been arrested, and returned to their masters ; and 
that to be the abettors and allies of the traffickers in human 
flesh should be regarded by the people of the Free States as 
' a duty, an affair of high morals and high principles ' ! 
This incohercncy of the brain is the consequence of deprav- 
ity of the heart. 

IIow Mr. Webster stands in Southern estimation is not a 
doubtful matter. Where on that blood-stained soil a true, 
out-spoken friend of freedom would be instantly lynched, he 
19 



218 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

is regarded with favor, and greeted with applause. At the 
present time, the South relies on him for the protection of 
her ' peculiar institution ' more than on any other man in the 
nation — not excepting Henry Clay. 

At the North, the supporters and admirers of Mr. Web- 
ster are those who have bought him with a price — those who 
pay that homage to rare intellect, however perverted, which 
is essentially devil-worship — those who bow down to the 
shrine of Mammon, and believe in the trinity made up of 
'the gold eagle, the silver dollar, and the copper cent' — 
those who have ' stolen the livery of the court of heaven ' 
wherein to serve the great Adversary — those who are pro- 
fane, drunken, lewd, riotous. 

In May last, the American Anti-Slavery Society attempted 
to hold its sixteenth anniversary in New York. Its meetings 
were invaded and broken up by a band of rioters utterly 
lost to shame, led on by the notorious ruffian, ' Captain 
Isaiah Rynders,' and connived at by the city authorities. 
In the midst of their profanhy, obscenity and violence, they 
repeatedly gave three cheers — for whom? For Daniel 
Webster ! 

On the fifteenth of November, 1850, an immense meet- 
ing of the friends of international amity and universal eman- 
cipation, drawn together spontaneously from all parts of New 
England, was held in Faneuil Hall, Boston, to welcome the 
arrival to these shores, after an absence of fifteen years, 
of George Thobipson, the noble advocate of impartial lib- 
erty, the present distinguished member of the British Parlia- 
ment for the Tower Hamlets, London. That meeting, at an 
early period of the evening, was invaded by an organized 
body of rioters, who, for the space of two hours, (like their 
lawless predecessors at Ephesus,) by their groans and yells, 
prevented any speaker from being heard — the city authori- 
ties interposing no restraint whatever. ' We never heard,' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 219 

said one of the city journals of the next morning, • such 
unearthly, inhuman, strange, uncouth, hideous noises, in all 
our born days. One would have thought Babel was let 
loose, and all the black fiends of the lower region out on a 
frolic' Another journal, equally in favor of this dastardly 
outrage, testified as follows: — 'Rings were formed in the 
centre of the floor, in which individual and general fights 
took place ; hats were smashed, and ivory-headed canes flew 
briskly ; then came a series of dances, with Indian war- 
hoop accompaniments. It was hell let loose, and no 

MISTAKE ! ' 

For whom did these miscreants send up cheer after cheer, 
throughout the entire evening ? Who was the recreant and 
fallen man whom, on that occasion, they were proud to recog- 
nise and eager to applaud, as one with him in spirit and fel- 
lowship ? Daniel Webster ! 

W^here shall we look in history for a more melancholy 
instance of human degradation ? 

• So fallen, so lost ! the light withdrawn 
Which once he wore ! 
The glory from his gray hairs gone 
Forevermore ! 

Of all wo loved and honored, nought 

Save power remains — 
A fallen angel's pride of thought, 

Still strong in chains. 

All else is gone : from those great eyes 

The soul has fled : 
When faith is lost, when honor dies. 
The man is dead ! ' 



220 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



(KljB (Crisis. 



SOUTHERN AGGRESSIONS UPON NORTHERN RIGHTS — THE EXPULSION 
OF HON. SAMUEL HOAR FROM SOUTH CAROLINA — THE IMPRISON- 
MENT OF WALKER IN FLORIDA, AND TORREY IN MARYLAND — ETC. 

I. 

Why, like a sluggard, sleeps the Bay State now, 

As lost to hope, and dead to scorn and shame? 

A blot is on th' escutcheon of her fame ; 
Dishonor stamps its brand upon her brow ; 
Porgotten is her old and solemn vow, 

To keep for ever burning Freedom's flame, 

Maintain her rights, and vindicate her name. 
And never at the shrine of Slavery bow. 
Insensate as the shaft on Bunker's Hill, 

And harder than its granite, seems her breast ; 
The tyrannous South her sons enslave and kill. 

Yet moves she not to have their wrongs redressed : — 
Then let her of oppression have her fill. 

And be, henceforth, the Southron's mock and jest ! 

II. 

Hold ! give not up, as lost, this free-born State ! 

For Pilgrim blood yet courses in her veins ; 

The Pilgrim spirit brooks no servile chains. 
As they shall find, her rights who violate ! 
Slow unto wrath, magnanimously great. 

Nor fear, nor lack of might, her hand restrains ; 

Cool, firm, resolved — to bluster she disdains ; 
But when she acts, 'tis with the force of fate ! 
In this great trial-hour she will not blench. 

But, single-handed, should all others flee, 
The ruffian hosts of Slavery meet, and wrench 

All chains asunder, and th' oppressed set free : 
Nought shall her courage daunt, her ardor quench, 

In battling for thy cause, O Liberty ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 221 



BintHB autlinriti[ nf l\)t 3oihU. 

It cannot be denied, that the question of the divine author- 
ity of the Bible is one of grave importance, and therefore 
worthy of searching investigation. The right of private 
judgment is, theoretically, the cardinal doctrine of Protest- 
antism ; and it is a doctrine fatal to every form of spiritual 
infallibility. It allows no mtin, no conclave of men, to 
determine arbitrarily, whether the Bible is of heaven or of 
men ; how much of it is in accordance with the truth, or 
how much mixed with error ; what portion of it is genuine, 
or what spurious ; how this precept is to be understood, or 
that declaration interpreted. It leaves the human mind ( as 
it should be left) free to judge of the origin, authenticity, 
inspiration, authority, value of the Bible, according to its 
own perception of right, its own conviction of duty. The 
natural result is, a wide diversity of opinions respecting the 
book, and the duties it inculcates. Men equally sincere 
arrive at diametrically opposite views as to its teachings. 
Some find in it the doctrine of the trinity, of total depravity, 
of the atonement, of eternal reprobation, in the Calvinistic 
sense. Others find no such doctrines. Some derive from 
it divine sanctions for polygamy, war, slavery, wine-bibbing, 
capital punishment, the lex talionis, governments upheld by 
military and naval power, aristocracy, monarchy, autocracy. 
Others construe it in direct opposition to all such views* 
Some believe in its plenary, some in its partial inspiration ; 
others reject the popular notion of inspiration, whether 
plenary or partial. Some reverence the volume as holy 
and divine, and with superstitious awe ; others esteem it as 
of incomparable worth ; while others treat it with contemj)t, 
and pronounce it a pernicious book. A multitude of rival 
sects find in its puges any quantity of ])roof-tcxts in support 
19* 



222 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

of their own peculiar faith, and each one makes out at least 
a plausible case for itself. In this Babel confusion of 
tongues, the questions arise — Who is right ? what is truth ? 
who is it that believes in the Bible ? Is it the Episcopalian, 
or the Presbyterian, or the Baptist, or the Methodist, or the 
Swedenborgian, or the Unitarian, or the Universalist, or the 
Quaker? If any of these, which — and how do you prove 
it ? If all of them, who, then, rejects the Bible ? To what 
does it all amount, in the last analysis, except that the Bible 
is variously interpreted by the various readers of it ? But 
whose interpretation is to be oracular, absolute, final, in this 
matter ? Who shall play the Pope among us ? or coolly 
accuse another of rejecting the Bible, merely because of a 
difference of opinion respecting some particular passages ? 
There are plenty of such, and a very ludicrous and con- 
temptible appearance they make, in the guise of Protestants. 
They are swollen with conceit, stultified through supersti- 
tion, contracted by ignorance. For one, I shall not heed 
their fulminations, nor submit to their rule, for one moment. 
When I am prepared to give up my own independent judg- 
ment, and to pin my fahh upon any man's sleeve, I will 
repudiate Protestantism, turn Catholic, and do homage to 
the genuine, unadulterated Pope at Rome. 

It is to use language in a very loose sense to talk of any 
one rejecting the Bible, for there is an immense amount of 
truth in it, which no one has ever sought to invalidate. It is 
true,' some parts of it are deemed incongruous, inaccurate, 
spurious, or doubtful ; other parts clearly impossible to un- 
derstand or interpret ; other parts obsolete, exclusive, 
Jewish — deemed so by eminent theologians, devout schol- 
ars, enlightened Christians. They neither accept nor reject 
the book, as such; but they study it as a compilation of 
books, written in different ages of the world ; and each one 
claims and exercises the right to decide for himself what 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 223 

he finds therein compatible with his sense of justice, 
humanity, and right. True, they often accuse each other 
of rejecting the Bible ; but it amounts only to this, that, in 
some of their interpretations of Scriptural language, they 
differ very widely. 

Much of this confusion arises from the common error of 
regarding the Bible as a unit — a work prepared by one 
mind, (and that a divine one,) consecutively, for the guid- 
ance of all mankind ; instead of realizing the fact, that it is 
a compilation of Jewish and Christian manuscripts, written 
in different parts of the world, in ages more or less remote 
from each other — written nobody know-s by whom, beyond 
what supposhion and probability may suggest. As it is not 
one production, but many productions — as it is neither 
exclusively Jewish nor wholly Christian, but a mixture of 
both — as it relates to different people, under different laws 
and usages, possessing various degrees of light and knowl- 
edge — it is easy to sec why it is that, treating it as a unit, 
and every portion of it as alike sacred, so many jarring sen- 
timents and so many conflicting practices are attempted to 
be justified from its pages. A dexterous theologian, having 
full liberty to range, in the name of God, from Genesis to 
Revelation, finds it an easy matter to cull out such passages 
as seem to substantiate the doctrine, or defend the practice, 
that he is zealous to maintain. It is true, he may be beaten 
with his own weapons, and yet neither the victor nor the 
vanquished be enlightened as to the truth. 

The Bible, then, is the product of many minds, and was 
never designed to be a single volume, to be received as of 
infallible authority or divine origin. The Jewish portion of it 
is supposed to have been collated by Ezra. The Christian 
portion was decreed to be canonical by the Council of Nice. 
' What is writ, is writ,' and it must stand or fall by the test 
of just criticism, by its reasonableness and utility, by the 



224 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

probabilities of the case, by historical confirmation, by 
human experience and observation, by the facts of science, 
by the intuition of the spirit. Truth is older than any 
parchment, and would still exist, though a universal confla- 
gration should consume all the books in the world. To dis- 
card a portion of Scripture is not necessarily to reject the 
truth, but may be the highest evidence that one can give of 
his love of the truth. 

As yet, mankind are not governed by reason ; they do 
not reason, particularly in regard to matters of religion; 
they are taught by their crafty leaders to be afraid of rea- 
son, and hence dare not give heed to its voice. As a gen- 
eral fact, they are wholly influenced by imitation, by tradi- 
tion, by education, by custom. They believe or disbelieve, 
not from the results of their own independent investigation, 
but because it is the fashion to do so in the community or 
nation in which they happen to reside. No wonder the 
earth is covered with mental darkness, and crowded with 
all forms of superstition, and groaning under the dominion 
of religious and political tyranny. Of the millions who 
profess to believe in the Bible as the inspired word of God, 
how few there are who have had the wish or the courage to 
know on what ground they have formed their opinion ! 
They have been taught that, to allow a doubt to arise in 
their minds on this point, would be sacrilegious, and to put 
in peril their salvation. They must believe in the plenary 
inspiration of the ' sacred volume,' or they are ' infidels,' 
who will justly deserve to be ' cast into the lake of fire and 
brimstone.' Imposture may always be suspected when rea- 
son is commanded to abdicate the throne ; when investiga- 
tion is made a criminal act ; when the bodies or spirits of 
men are threatened with pains and penalties, if they do not 
subscribe to the popular belief ; when appeals are made to 
human credulity, and not to the understanding. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARKISON. 225 

Now, nothing can be more consonant to reason than that 
the more valuable a thing is, the more it will bear to be ex- 
amined. If the Bible be, from Genesis to Revelation, 
divinely inspired, its warmest partisans need not be con- 
cerned as to its fate. It is to be examined with the same 
freedom as any other book, and taken precisely for what it 
is worth. It must stand or fall on its own inherent qualities, 
like any other volume. To know what it teaches, men 
must not stultify themselves, nor be made irrational by a 
blind homage. Their reason must be absolute in judgment, 
and act freely, or they cannot know the truth. They are 
not to object to what is simply incomprehensible, — because 
no man can comprehend how it is that the sun gives light, 
or the acorn produces the oak ; but what is clearly mon- 
strous, or absurd, or impossible, cannot be endorsed by rea- 
son, and can never properly be made a test of religious 
faith, or an evidence of moral character. 

To say that every thing contained within the lids of the 
Bible is divinely inspired, and to insist upon this dogma as 
fundamentally important, is to give utterance to a bold fic- 
tion, and to require the suspension of the reasoning facul- 
ties. To say that every thing in the Bible is to be believed, 
simply because it is found in that volume, is equally absurd 
and pernicious. It is the province of reason to ' search the 
Scriptures,' and determine what in them is true, and what 
false — what is probable, and what incredible — what is his- 
torically true, and what fabulous — what is compatible with 
the happiness of mankind, and what ought to be rejected as 
an example or rule of action — what is the letter that kill- 
eth, and what the s])irit that maketh alive. 

There are two dogmas which the priesthood have at- 
tempted to enforce, respecting the Bible, from which has 
resulted great mischief. The first is — its plenary inspira- 
tion : in other words, that the writers of it were, in fact, 



<. 



226 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

only machines, operated upon by a divine power, to com- 
municate to the world, in an infallible manner, the contents 
of the book : so that it is free from all error. This is 
already rejected by many enlightened minds as a monstrous 
absurdity, and will be utterly exploded at last. What mi- 
raculous endowment was needed to record the fact, that unto 
Job were born seven sons and three daughters ; or that Paul 
left his cloak at Troas ; or that he was shipwrecked at 
Melita ; or that Solomon had six hundred wives and concu- 
bines ; or that Samson ' caught three hundred foxes, and 
took firebrands, and turned tail to tail, and put a firebrand 
in the midst between two tails '.? And so of a thousand 
other occurrences. 

The other dogma is — the Bible is the only rule of faith 
and practice ; so that whatever it teaches or allows must 
be right, and whatever it forbids must be wrong, independent 
of all other considerations. Thus, there is no right princi- 
ple or action, in itself; and, but for the parchment, there 
would be no test of morality, — no evidence of piety. 
Hence, if slavery or war is allowed in the book, it cannot 
be wrong ; if a certain number of texts can be found to 
sanction a particular crime, then it is no longer a crime, but 
a virtuous act, because God has sanctioned it! What contro- 
versies have been held over the book, as to whether it is in 
favor of this or that form of government ; whether it advo- 
cates human liberty, or permits human enslavement ; 
whether it is opposed to all war, or only to wars of aggres- 
sion ; whether it maintains the inviolability of human life, 
or requires the execution of the murderer ; whether it ap- 
proves of the moderate use of intoxicating liquor, or enjoins 
the duty of total abstinence ! As if monarchy, republican- 
ism, slavery, war, the gallows, and alcoholic drink, could 
not be settled on their own merits, without an appeal to any 
book ! As if God himself could make a lie the truth. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 227 

wrong right, cruelty mercy, or poison an innocent beverage ! 
Can they who appeal to the Bible, as to an infallible au- 
thority, for the rectitude of their conduct, have any belief 
in absolute justice ? 

It is proverbial, that one extreme is very apt to beget 
another. The priesthood have imposed on the people the 
belief, that the entire Bible is divinely inspired, even every 
chapter and verse ; that they are to submit their reason to 
its teachings, not its teachings to their reason ; and what- 
ever it inculcates or allows, in any portion of it, must be 
from God, and therefore right. On the other hand, there 
are those who have discarded the Bible as a pious impos- 
ture, and denounced it as evil, and only evil. They have not 
been satisfied with refuting the foolish dogma of priestcraft, 
as to the plenary inspiration of the volume ; but they have 
manifested toward it exceeding bitterness and contempt of 
spirit, and blinded their eyes as to its real excellence, and 
the estimate in which it should be justly held. They seem 
unwilling to recognise any thing good in its pages, and treat 
it as profanely as the priesthood do idolatrously. Generally, 
they have very little acquaintance with it, and have no dis- 
position to take it at its true value. They find in it histori- 
cal inaccuracies and things incredible, and on that account 
condemn the whole work. They are flippant in their talk 
about the adultery of David, and the concubinage of Solo- 
mon, and affect to be shocked at what they call the obscen- 
ity of the book, — though an investigation into their private 
character would, in many cases, show them to be any thing 
but patterns of virtue. As to those portions of the Bible 
which inculcate the most stringent morality, the noblest sen- 
timents, the most expansive benevolence, the purest life — 
and which contain the wisest admonitions, the best instruc- 
tions, the brightest examples, the most cheering prophecies, 
and the richest promises — they seldom refer to them, and 



228 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

take no pleasure in selecting the wheat from the chaff. To 
avoid Scylla, they have perished on Charybdis. 

The objection is sometimes raised — ' The Bible is like a 
fiddle ; you can play any tune on it you please.' Then, if 
the tune be discordant to [the ear of humanity, the fault 
must be in the player, rather than in the instrument. Shall 
the instrument therefore be broken in pieces ? Let those 
pervert it, to vile uses, who are so inclined ; on them rest 
the responsibility. I believe it can be made to discourse 
most excellent music, and therefore set a high value upon it. 

The Bible does not change, but the interpretations of the 
Bible are constantly fluctuating. Those interpretations are 
generally in accordance with popular opinion and the spirit 
of the interpreters. Men who are warlike, — men who 
deem it no sin to enslave their fellow-men, — men who are 
for retaliating injuries done to them, — men who are fond of 
a ceremonial religion, — naturally interpret the Bible in ac- 
cordance with their views ; while men of an opposite spirit 
construe its language in favor of perfect goodness and uni- 
versal love. Even if we admit the plenary inspiration of 
the volume, nothing is gained by the admission ; for, after 
all, it remains an open question, what does this inspired 
book teach? — and, in answering the question, those who 
most devoutly believe in its inspiration, disagree as widely, 
even on points of practical morality, as do those who reject 
the doctrine. 

- I have lost my traditional and educational notions of the 
holiness of the Bible, but I have gained greatly, I think, in 
my estimation of it. As a divine book, I never could un- 
derstand it ; as a human composition, I can fathom it to the 
bottom. Whoever receives it as his master, will necessarily 
be in bondage to it ; but he who makes it his servant, under 
the guidance of truth, will find it truly serviceable. It must 
be examined, criticised, accepted or rejected, like any other 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 229 

book, without fear and without favor. Whatever excellence 
there is in it will be fire-proof; and if any portion of it be 
obsolete or spurious, let that portion be treated accordingly. 

Why should any wonder that some minds, keenly sensi- 
tive to the slightest outrage to humanity, and receiving the 
pulpit interpretations of the book as sound, grow morbidly 
averse to the Bible ? Think of identifying the Cros?? of 
Christ, the Prince of Peace, with the Sword of the biood- 
stained Warrior, who, though an Orthodox clergyman, could 
make w^adding of Watts''s Psalms and Hymns, and seize an 
opponent by his whiskers with one hand, while he ' pom- 
melled him soundly with the other' ! — and then in his pulpit 
attempt to justify the act from this text — ' And I contended 
with them, and cursed them, and smote certain of them, and 
plucked off their hair, and made them swear by God ' ! ! — 
[Nehemiah xiii. 23.] ' From this very applicable passage,' 
says his eulogist, and the writer of his memoir, (Rev. Dr. 
Murray, of Elizabethtown, N. J.,) 'he preached a serious, 
exculpatory discourse, placing himself right before his peo- 
ple, and silencing all opposition to his proceedings' ! ! ' He 
was one day preaching to the battalion — the next, march- 
ing with them to battle ' ! ! A Soldier of the Cross ! 

I am fully aware how grievously the priesthood have per- 
verted the Bible, and wielded it both as an instrument of 
spiritual despotism and in opposition to the sacred cause of 
humanity ; still, to no other volume do I turn with so much 
interest, no other do I consult or refer to so frequently, to 
no other am I so indebted for light and strength, no other is 
so identified with the growth of human freedom and pro- 
gress, no other have I appealed to so elTcctively in aid of 
the various reformatory movements which I have espoused ; 
and it embodies an amount of excellence so great as to 
make it, in my estimation, the book of books. 
20 



230 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Prisoner ! within these gloomy walls close pent - 

Guiltless of horrid crime or venial wrong — 
Bear nobly up against thy punishment, 

And in thy innocence be great and strong ! 
Perchance thy fault was love to all mankind ; 

Thou didst oppose some vile, oppressive law ; 
Or strive all human fetters to unbind ; 

Or wouldst not bear the implements of war : — 
What then ? Dost thou so soon repent the deed ? 

A martyr's crown is richer than a king's ! 
Think it an honor with thy Lord to bleed, 

And glory 'midst intensest sufferings ! 
Though beat — imprisoned — put to open shame - 
Time shall embalm and magnify thy name. 



/rEBinm nf tji^ Mini. 

High walls and huge the body may confine, 

And iron grates obstruct the prisoner's gaze, 
And massive bolts may baffle his design, 

And vigilant keepers watch his devious ways : 
Yet scorns th' immortal mind this base control ! 

No chains can bind it, and no cell enclose : 
Swifter than light, it flies from pole to pole, 

And, in a flash, from earth to heaven it goes ! 
It leaps from mount to mount — from vale to vale 

It wanders, plucking honeyed fruits and flowers ; 
It visits home, to hear the fireside tale. 

Or in sweet converse pass the joyous hours : 
'Tis up before the sun, roaming afar, 
And, in its watches, wearies every star ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 231 



(Claims unit ^^nsitinn nf tljB (ClBrgt[. 

I VENERATE such preachers as Paul, and Peter, and others 
of the apostolic school, who were the ' fanatics ' and ' disor- 
ganizers ' of their times ; who bargained with no body of 
men when, where, how, or for what pecuniary inducement, 
they should utter their testimonies against sin and sinners ; 
who never consulted a corrupt public sentiment, in order to 
avoid persecution ; who had no salary to lose or to be dimin- 
ished by a too plain utterance of the truth ; who never claim- 
ed to be above or distinct from the laity in the congregation 
of believers, but every one prayed or prophesied in order, 
all standing on the same platform of equality. But the mod- 
ern clergy are not their successors, and may urge no apos- 
tolic claim to private veneration or popular respect. Dr. Gan- 
nett extracts all the ' divinity ' from them, in putting them 
into the same category with lawyers and physicians. Pie says, 
with an air of satisfaction that is almost ludicrous — ' There 
are as many poor lawyers and poor physicians, as there are 
poor preachers.' Possibly ; but of what benefit are they, as 
classes, to mankind ? ' We expect that only a few will be 
eminent in their several employments. The ministry need 
not dread a comparison, in this respect, with other profes- 
sions.' Indeed! But the 'other professions' claim to be 
human, not divine. The clergyman talks of being the ' sent 
of God,' an ambassador of Christ — of being filled with the 
Spirit, and delivering what he has had communicated to him 
from above ; but neither the lawyer nor physician lays 
claim to any thing beyond what he himself can originate 
and perform. Hence, on the ground of special inspiration, 
the clergy ought to throw into the shade all other profes- 
sions. To say that ' there are more merchants who fail in 
their business, than there are ministers who fail in their scr- 



232 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

mens,' is a queer defence — a very secular one, at least, for 
' a heavenly calling.' But the defence ends not here: — 
* Many of our preachers are obliged to prepare at least one 
sermon a week, and some of them two, or even more, the 
year through. Now, I ask the man whose flippancy is ever 
berating the pulpit, if he would lay the same requisition on 
the public orator or legal advocate ? . . . No, he would be 
ashamed to make such a demand of any one but a minister. 
Why, then, in the name of justice, should he make it of the 
minister, who is but a man, at best, and not often made of 
finer mould than other men ? ' What does the reader think 
of this .'' The minister is but a man, at best. Remember 
that ! Next, he is no more divinely assisted than the lawyer 
or the physician, and therefore is to be measured by the 
same standard. Remember that ! It is a ' doctor of divin- 
ity ' who voluntarily takes the witness's stand. But the wit- 
ness has a very short memory ; for he proceeds to affirm 
that ' preaching is the highest exercise of the human pow- 
ers . . . Enter the pulpit as' if it were the loftiest position 
you could take on earth ... If you would choose the most 
honorable service, if you would exercise the highest function 
within the reach of man, if you desire to place yourselves 
in the most enviable position on earth, enter the ministry.' 
And so it becomes a divine calling again, and is no longer 
secular, like that of the lawyer or physician. Now, this 
•shuffling from one standard to another cannot be allowed. 
If the clergy are to be judged simply as men, let them claim 
nothing of divinity ; if they are superhuman, heaven-inspir- 
ed, let them be tried by a superhuman test. 

As to the loftiness of the pulpit, though the old-fashioned 
mode of erecting it was somewhat elevated, the weather- 
cock on the spire finds a more lofty position than the pulpit 
occupant, but both commonly indicate which way the wind 
blows. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 233 

The preacher, we are told, ' must apply Christianity to 
the habits and practices of the age in which he lives, even 
as the guager applies his rule to the vessel he would meas- 
ure, or the assayer his test to the metal he would prove.' 
Very good ; but where is the clergyman, in regular standing, 
who dares to be thus faithful ? And where one Abdiel is 
found, are there not scores of the fraternity, who, to avoid 
difficulty, refuse to say aught about ' the habits and practices 
of the age,' except to uphold them ? 

Dr. Gannett thinks otherwise. He says, ' it is an old 
slander, that the clergy always oppose social advancement, 
and it is a slander which every popular movement since the 
Reformation has refuted ' ! To this general assertion, I enter 
a general denial, and wait for the proof. With much assur- 
ance, he says — 'Look at the relation they sustain to the 
reforms of the day, moral, political, or social ; always ready 
to examine their claims, (!) sometimes compelled to pro- 
nounce the schemes of ardent philanthropists unsound or dan- 
gerous, but more often prompt to give their assistance, (!) 
and not seldom found among the foremost and firmest friends 
of the enterprise ' ! Now, these assertions are as far remov- 
ed from the facts in the case, as the North is from the South 
pole. Take the question of slavery, for example. The 
reducing of three millions of the inhabitants of this country 
to the awful condition of chattels is an act of impiety and 
cruelty so monstrous, that the clergy should have needed no 
solicitation to induce them to cry out against it in thunder 
tones. Yet, to this hour, as a class, their sympathy and co- 
operation are notoriously with the slaveholders, with whom 
they are in religious fellowship ; they seek to cover the abo- 
litionists with shame and infamy ; their meeting-houses are 
closed against those who wish to inculcate the doctrine, that 
slaveholding is, under all circumstances, a sin against God. 
Indeed, the history of the anti-slavery movement will prove 
20* 



234 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the struggle for the overthrow of slavery to have been as 
directly with the clergy of the land, as with the actual hold- 
ers of slaves at the South. The facts are on record, and can 
never be effaced. I admit that there have been, and that 
there are, exceptions to the general rule — clergymen who 
have done, and are doing, much toward liberating those who 
are in bondage ; but these only serve to confirm the rule. 
The manner in which they have been treated by their cleri- 
cal brethren generally, of the same denomination, and by the 
churches, has been contemptuous and most unchristian. 
Will the successor of William Ellery Channing pretend 
that he, or the Unitarian clergy, countenanced Dr. Chan- 
ning in his efforts to awaken pity for the slave, and shame 
for the existence of slavery ? When and where has he 
uttered a single word of encouragement to those who have 
borne the heat and burden of the day in the cause of the 
oppressed ? When has he allowed an abolitionist to occupy 
his pulpit ? What Unitarian clerical man-stealer from the 
South would he exclude from it ? How was the lamented 
FoLLEN treated in his day ? How has John Pierpont been 
treated ? What approbation has Theodore Parker receiv- 
ed from the clergy for his faithful anti-slavery testimonies — 
his apostolic boldness in grappling with popular sins.? For 
how many years did not Samuel J. May stand up among the 
Unitarian clergy almost alone, in his earnest and Christ-like 
advocacy of the cause of negro emancipation — being deem- 
ed an intolerable troubler of Israel .'' 

I appeal to those who are struggling to carry forward the 
reforms of the day, as to their experience and knowledge of 
clerical influence. Friends of peace, of moral reform, of 
non-resistance, of the abolition of the gallows, of woman's 
rights, of land reform, of social reorganization, &c. &c., are 
you not ready to testify, that you find the clergy hindrances 
rather than helps ? 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 235 

Practical righteousness is what the age needs, and what 
should most deeply concern those who are qualified to act 
the part of instructors and guides. This is not within the 
pale of polemic divinity. At least, religious controversies 
are well nigh interminahle, and seldom of any value, because 
they generally relate to the past, rather than to the present, 
to an orthodox creed, rather than to a pure life, to ' words, 
words, words,' rather than to ideas and practices. Doctrinal 
assaults, however vigorously made, are easily parried or 
returned ; but, when judgment is laid to the line, and right- 
eousness to the plummet, and the church,of whatever name, 
is convicted of immorality, then her power is broken, and 
every blow of the reformer is felt. If T had arraigned the 
clergy or the church on account of their peculiar tenets, they 
would have rejoiced to meet me in a polemic encounter, and 
text for text would they have hurled at me with spirit and 
skill. But I measured them by the unerring standard — ' By 
their fruits shall ye know them.' I demonstrated their posi- 
tion, in regard to slavery, war and other crimes, to be time- 
serving and corrupt — convicted them of ' striking hands with 
thieves, and consenting with adulterers' — showed their 
identity with those of old, who were full of their sabbaths 
and solemn assemblies, their fastings and prayers, their 
tithing of mint, anise and cummin, while they were strength- 
ening the bands of oppression, binding heavy burdens upon 
men's shoulders, shedding innocent blood, and stoning the 
faithful witnesses for God. In this manner they have been 
humbled ; on this ground they cannot stand. A free 
platform is ofTcrcd to them, but they shrink from an 
encounter before the people, conscious that they are justly 
accused. 

Representing no society or body of people on earth — 
speaking only my own sentiments, on my own responsibility, 
on the platform of free discussion, not of technical anti- 



236 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

slavery — I am free to declare, that my objections are not 
to the ' abuses ' of the priestly order. It has no abuses ; 
it is, in itself, an abuse. Mankind cannot tolerate it 
safely. It is the sworn foe of Progress, a mountainous 
obstacle in the pathway of Humanity. It was unknown to 
primitive Christianity ; it derives no authority from the 
gospel. 

For as cogent reasons, 1 seek the overthrow of every 
church, which, simply by virtue of its organization, or its 
creed, claims to be divinely instituted — the church of Christ, 
and thus makes the evidence of piety to consist in joining it, 
or acknowledging the validity of its claims. There never 
yet was a divine human organization. Associations are not 
of heaven, but of men. They are no positive test of char- 
acter. To join them is no certain proof of piety ; to refuse 
to be connected with them, nay, to advocate their dissolu- 
tion, is no evidence of an irreligious or heretical state of 
mind. ' A breath can make them as a breath has made ' — 
and unmake them too. Men shape them as they do their 
coats, their hats, or their dwellings, according to their own 
taste and convenience. None may say to another, without 
daring presumption, ' You must connect yourself with our 
church, or with some other, or you are not a Christian.' 
The Church of Christ is not mutable but permanent, and 
therefore not a formal organization. No one can be voted 
into it, no one expelled from it, by human suffrages. They 
are grossly deceived, who imagine that, because they have 
joined a body calling itself the church of Christ, therefore 
they are members of the true church. Our Protestant 
churches are nearly all based on a false foundation — the 
foundation of Rome itself — and with Rome are destined to 
perish. 

For these views, however, no Anti-Slavery society in the 
land is responsible ; nor is it the purpose of any such society 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 237 

to promulgate or sanction any doctrine or sentiment which 
does not relate strictly to the abolition of slavery. The Amer- 
ican Anti-Slavery Society has sacredly adhered to its one 
great object, leaving all other question, whether relating to 
Church or State, to be settled by its members on another 
platform, on their individual responsibility. It arraigns no 
man for his religious or political opinions, beyond insisting 
on the duty of giving no countenance to slaveholding. 
With a ministry, or church, or government, or party, that is 
faithful to the cause of the slave, it has no controversy, but 
is ever ready to give credit to whom credit is due. 



The grave, dear sufferer, had for thee no gloom, 

And Death no terrors when his summons came : 

Unto the dust returns the mortal frame, 
But the Soul spurns the bondage of the tomb, 
And soars to flourish in immortal bloom I 

Thou hast attained, at last, thy glorious aim — 

Heaven and its joys — through faith in Christ's dear name. 
Why should we grieve, then, at thy early doom? 
If thy freed spirit be indeed at rest, 

And singing sweetly in another sphere; 
If, as we trust, thou art among the blest, 

Ilcdccmed from all tliat made life painful here ; 
Songs of rejoicing far become us best. 

For light resplendent beams around thy bier ! 



238 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Since the commencement of the nineteenth century, the 
Spirit of Reform has been developed in a shape, and to an 
extent, unknown to all preceding ages — Reform, not per- 
taining merely to local abuses or wrongs, not marked by 
degrees of latitude or longitude, but making man the ob- 
ject of universal solicitude, aside from all considerations of 
party, sect, education, condition, and clime — Reform, not 
for the overthrow of any one particular evil, but for the re- 
moval of all those burdens and disabilities under which 
mankind are groaning in agony of spirit — Reform, not 
animated by the spirit of revenge, not armed with weapons 
of steel with which to cleave down tyrants and usurpers, 
but relying for its success on the utterance of truth, and the 
enforcement of right, on the weakness of injustice, and the 
cowardice of crime — Reform, to the conservative, timid 
and faithless, never so daring in its aspect, and unhallowed 
in its purposes, as now ; to the believing, the true-hearted 
and clear-sighted, never so serene in its spirit, disinterested 
in its design, and beneficent in its operations. 

• The poor crushed bondman hears it, and upspringeth 

To burst his shackles, and once more be free ; 
And shouts aloud, until the echo ringeth 

O'er the far islands of the Eastern sea. 
The faithful lover of his race rejoices — 

The champion girds his gleaming armor on — 
The seer saith, « God speaks in those earnest voices ; 

Earth's fearful battle-field shall yet be won ! ' 
O'er every radiant island of creation 

The music of that swelling peal is borne ; 
Land bears to land, and nation shouts to nation, 

The war-cry of the age — Reform ! Reform ! ' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 239 

All things are interrogated as to their origin, intent, ten- 
dency, and lawfulness, without much regard to their anti- 
quity, or the authority with which they are clothed. The 
cry is everywhere heard for free speech and free inquiry, 
that Right may prevail, and Imposture be put to flight. It 
is beginning to be seen, that not only are these the best 
weapons, but that no others may be innocently used against 
Wrong. Revolutions are to be wrought out by reason, not 
by brute force. 

It was a bold act when the divine right of kings to rule 
over the people was questioned and denied ; it was a bolder 
act when it was declared, (as it was by our revolutionary 
fathers,) that even the toleration of a king was not compati- 
ble with the liberty of the people. But other voices are 
heard, not only protesting against monarchical governments, 
but demanding that even republican governments, as now 
constituted, be dispensed with, for something more just, pro- 
tective, and beneficent. The political views of 1776 have 
been greatly transcended ; and the doctrine, that might is 
right, when the majority obtain the reins of power, is seen 
by many to be as essentially despotic in principle, as that of 
the divine right of kings. Religiously, there are tlwse who 
go much further than did Luther, when he attacked the 
Romish Church as inherently corrupt and anti-christian ; for 
they maintain that the Protestant Church rests on no better 
foundation than the Romish, and is as false in its claims. 
All the winds of controversy are freshly blowing, and well 
may they tremble, whose houses are built upon the sand ; 
but those whose cause is just, who are earnest seekers after 
truth, who arc in the right, may join in the song of the royal 
singer of Israel — ' God is our refuge and strength, a very 
present help in trouble. Therefore will not we fear, though 
the earth be removed, and though the mountains be carried 
into the midst of the sea; though the waters thereof roar 



240 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and be troubled, tbough the mountains shake with the swell- 
ing thereof — 'They that trust in the Lord shall be as 
Mount Zion, that cannot be moved.' 

If we had not innumerable facts to prove the general 
corruption of the times, the prevalent fear of free speech 
and free inquiry would prove it ; for where the mind and 
tongue are fettered, either by imperial edicts, by ecclesiasti- 
cal bulls, by statutory enactments, by the terrors of summary 
punishment, by popular sentiment, by the fear of suffering, 
or by the prospect of beggary, it indicates an evil state of 
society, and the supremacy of a false and sanguinary reli- 
gion. It is under such circumstances that hypocrisy and 
superstition flourish like briars and thorns on an uncultivated 
soil. 

Talk not of this or that subject being too sacred for inves- 
tigation ! Is it too much to assert, that there is but one 
object beneath the skies that is sacred — and that is, man ? 
Surely, there is no government, no institution, no order, no 
rite, no day, no place, no building, no creed, no book, so 
sacred as he who was before every government, institution, 
order, rite, day, place, building, creed, and book, and by 
whom all these things are to be regarded as nothing higher 
or better than means to an end, and that end his own ele- 
vation and happiness ; and he is to discard each and all of 
them, when they fail to do him service, or minister unto 
his necessities. They are not of heaven, but of men, and 
may not, therefore, receive the homage of any human being. 
Be assured, that whatever cannot bear the test of the closest 
scrutiny, has no claim to human respect or confidence, even 
though it assume to be sacred in its orgin, or given by 
inspiration of God, but must be treated as spurious, profane, 
dangerous. 

Let, then, the mind, and tongue, and press, be free. Let 
free discussion not only be tolerated, but encouraged and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 241 

asserted, as indispensable to the freedom and welfare of 
mankind. A forcible suppression of error is no aid to the 
cause of truth ; and to allow only just such views and senti- 
ments to be spoken and circulated as we think are correct, 
is to combine bigotry and cowardice in equal proportion. 
If I give my children no other precept — if I leave them no 
other example — it shall be, a fearless, impartial, thorough 
investigation of every subject to which their attention may 
be called, and a hearty adoption of the principles which to- 
them may seem true, whether those principles agree or 
conflict with my own, or with those of any other person. 
The best protection which I can give them is to secure the 
unrestricted exercise of their reason, and to inspire them 
with true self-reliance. I will not arbitrarily determine for 
them what are orthodox or what heretical sentiments, on' 
any subject. I have no wish, no authority, no right to do- 
so. I desire them to see, hear, and weigh, both sides of 
every question. For example: — I wish them to examine 
whatever may be advanced in opposition to the doctrine of' 
the divine inspiration of the Bible, as freely as they do 
whatever they find in support of it ; to hear what may be 
urged against the doctrines, precepts, miracles, or life ofi 
Jesus, as readily as they do any thing in their defence ; to 
see what arguments are adduced for a belief in the non-ex- 
istence of God, as unreservedly as they do the evidence in 
favor of his existence. I shall teach them to regard no sub- 
ject as too holy for examination ; to make their own con- 
victions paramount to all human authority ; to reject what- 
ever conflicts with their reason, no matter by whomsoever 
enforced ; and to prefer that which is clearly demonstrative 
to mere theory. And why do I intend to pursue such a 
course ? Because I am not infallible, and therefore dare 
not put on the robes of infallibility. Because I think free 
inquiry is essential to the life of truth among mankind. 
21 



242 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Because I believe that right will prevail over wrong, and all 
the sooner in a fair conflict. Because, 

♦Truth, crushed to earth, shall rise again ; 

Th' eternal years of God are hers ; 
But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, 

And dies among her worshippers ! ' 

'It is a pleasure to stand upon the shore,' says Lord 
Bacon, ' and to watch the ships tossed upon the sea ; but no 
pleasure is comparable to the standing upon the vantage 
ground of truth — a hill not to be commanded, and where 
the air is always clear and serene — and to see the errors, 
and wanderings, and mists, and tempests, in the vale below : 
so always that this prospect be with pity, and not with pride. 
Certainly, it is heaven upon earth to have a man's mind 
move in Charity, rest in Providence, and turn upon the 
poles of Truth.' 

' Whoever is afraid,' says Bishop Watson, ' of submitting 
any question, civil or religious, to the test of free discussion, 
seems to me to be more in love with his own opinion than 
with the truth.' A noble sentiment for a man, — much 
more for a prelate ! 

No sentiment has been more greatly admired, or more 
frequently quoted, since it was uttered, than that of Jeffer- 
son — 'Error of opinion may be safely tolerated, where 
Reason is left free to combat it.' 

'Philosophy, wisdom, and liberty,' says Sir W. Drum- 
mond, ' support each other. He who will not reason is a 
bigot ; he who cannot is a fool ; and he who dares not is a 
slave.' 

' The imputation of novelty,' says John Locke, ' is a ter- 
rible charge amongst those who judge of men's heads as 
they do of their perukes, by the fashion — and can allow 
none to be right but received doctrines.' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 243 

Coleridge tersely says — * He who begins with loving 
Christianity better than Truth, will end by loving himself 
better than either.' 

' There is nothing more unreasonable,' says Lord Mans- 
field, ' more inconsistent with the rights of human nature, 
more contrary to the spirit and precepts of the Christian reli- 
gion, than persecution for opinion.' 

It was the complaint of Cicero — ' Most men — alas! I 
know not why — prefer to rest in error, and defend with 
pertinacity their cherished dogmas, than to examine without 
bigotry, and seek out what is rational and most consistent.' 

' A theological system,' says Dr. Jortin, ' is too often a 
temple consecrated to implicit failh ; and he who enters in 
there to worship, instead of leaving his shoes, after the 
Eastern fashion, must leave his understanding at the door ; 
and it will be well if he find it when he comes out again.' 

What can be more brave than the words, what more sub- 
lime than the front of M. Antoninus, when he exclaimed — 
' I seek after Truth, by which no man ever yet was injured ! ' 

' 1 am in the place,' said the intrepid John Knox, on one 
occasion, ' where I am demanded of conscience to speak the 
truth, and therefore the truth I speak, impugn it whoso list.' 

It is ' Truth that results from discussion and from contro- 
versy,' says Paley — not confusion and error. 

Among all the noble sayings that fell from the lips of 
that great champion of English freedom, John Milton, none 
deserves to be eternized more than this : — ' Let Truth and 
Falsehood grapple : who ever knew Truth put to the worse 
in a free and open encounter ? ' 

' The spirit of Jesus,' says the amiable and courageous 
Abbe dc la Mcnnais, ' is a spirit of peace, of compassion, 
and of love. They who persecute in his name, and who 
search men's consciences with the sword ; who torture the 
body to convert the soul ; who cause tears to flow, instead 



244 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

of drying them up ; — these men have not the spirit of 
Christ, and are none of His.' 

The craven, unintelligent, superstitious state of the times 
led Byron to write — 

♦ What from this barren being do we reap ? 
Our senses narrow, and our reason frail, 
Life short, and Truth a gem that loves the deep, 

And all things weighed in Custom's falsest scale ; 
Opinion an omnipotence, whose veil 

Mantles the earth with darkness, until right 
And wrong are accidents ; and men grow pale. 

Lest their own judgments should become too bright, 
And their free thoughts be crimes, and earth have too much light I ' 

It is never for the people to be afraid of light, or willing 
to be tongue-tied. They cannot think too much, or talk too 
freely. They never lead, but have always been led — why 
should they not move forward independently ? They have 
for long ages been burdened and oppressed — what have 
they to lose by the growth of freedom ? They have been 
kept in the darkness of ignorance — what have they to fear 
from the prevalence of knowledge ? Let tyrants cry, ' Put 
out the light ! ' Good reason have they to do so ! 

* Tyrants are but the spawn of Ignorance, 
Begotten by the slaves they trample on, 
Who, could they win a glimmer of the light, 
And see that Tyranny is always weakness, 
Or Fear with its own bosom ill at ease, 
Would laugh aM-ay in scorn the sand-wove chain, 
Which their own blindness feigned for adamant. 
Wrong ever builds on quicksands, but the Right 
To the firm centre lays its moveless base. 
The tyrant trembles, if the air but stirs 
The innocent ringlets of a child's free hair. 
And crouches when the thought of some great spirit, 
With world-wide murmur, like a rising gale, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 245 

Over men's hearts, as over standing corn, 
Rushes, and bends them to its own strong will.' 

So testifies one of the youngest, yet ripening to be the 
greatest of all our American poets, (J. K. Lowell,) and 
even now unsurpassed in the freedom of his muse, and the 
moral grandeur of his genius. Hear him again, in a 
strain of which Milton himself would have been proud : — 

* My soul is not a palace of the past, 

Where outworn creeds, like Rome's grey senate, quake. 

Hearing afar tlio Vandal's trumpet hoarse, 

That shakes old systems with a thunder-fit. 

The time is ripe, and rotten-ripe, for change : 

Then let it come ! I have no dread of what 

Is called for by the instinct of mankind ; 

Nor think I that God's world will fall apart, 

Because we tear a parchment more or less. 

Truth is eternal, but her effluence. 

With endless change, is fitted to the hour ; 

Her mirror is turned forward, to reflect 

The promise of the future, not the past.' 

Again : 

• Get but the Truth once uttered, and 'tis like 
A star new-born, that drops into its place, 
And which, once circling in its placid round. 
Not all the tumult of the earth can shake.' 

What serenity of mind, what deliverance from the 
power of tradition, wliat depth of moral philosophy, what 
faith in man, what trust in God, have we here compressed 
into a few lines ! 

My conviction of the weakness and mutability of error is 
such, that the free utterance of any opinions, however con- 
trary to my own, has long since ceased to give mo any 
uneasiness as to the final triumph of Right. My confidence 
21* 



246 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

in the unconquerable energy of Truth is absolute ; and there- 
fore I ask for it, what only it requires, ' a fair field and no 
quarters.' It never shuns the light, but always rejoices in it. 
It never forbids, but ever encourages freedom of thought, 
speech and inquiry. It is never afraid to be examined, but 
challenges the severest scrutiny. It commends itself to the 
human understanding by its own inherent excellence, and 
discards all factitious props. It is not a miracle, but a fact. 
It belongs to the human race, not to a sect or party. It may 
he called an exact science, by the application of which, all 
falsehood and imposture shall finally be detected, and exiled 
from the earth. 

But what is Truth, and how shall it be discovered ? 

As to what it is, let this answer suffice — it is not error; 
and error is that which is not true. The ignorance of men 
concerning Truth does not touch its reality, nor invalidate its 
authenticity ; neither do their conflicting speculations in rela- 
tion to it render it equivocal or uncertain. It was the same 
in the days of Adam, of Noah, of Abraham, of Moses, of 
Jesus, however dimly revealed or imperfectly understood in 
the procession of ages. It is as old as the sun, moon, and 
stars — yea, ' from everlasting to everlasting.' 

As to the discovery of it, I know of no safer, higher, or 
better way, than to leave the human mind perfectly untram- 
melled, to contend for unlimited investigation, to vindicate 
ithe supremacy of reason, to plead for unfettered speech, to 
argue from analogy, to decide upon evidence, to be gov- 
erned by facts, to disclaim infallibility, to believe in eternal 
growth and progress, to repudiate all arbitrary authority, to 
make no man or body of men oracular, to learn from the 
teachings of history, to see with our own eyes and hear with 
our own ears — in one sentence, to ' prove all things, and 
hold fast that which is good.' The fact, that men are more 
or less ignorant — that they misapprehend the truth, and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 247 

conflict in their views of it — demonstrates the absolute need 
of freedom of conscience and speech on the part of every 
individual, as also the absurdity and cruelty of putting 
reason under the ban, or of affixing pains and penalties to 
heretical opinions ; for who shall dogmatically assume to 
decide what is heresy, or inflict vengeance upon the heretic ? 

' Free inquiry ' is an expression which has become a ter- 
ror to multitudes, who claim to have God, Christ, and his 
gospel, reason and common sense, on their side ! It has 
become odious by being the watchword of a, certain class, 
popularly styled ' infidels.' Now this I am free to declare, 
that I am against that religion which discountenances free 
inquiry, and in favor of that infidelity which is for it. This 
was the infidelity of Paul. He was a ' free inquirer,' and 
among his injunctions was this — 'Prove all things,' — in 
other words, take nothing for granted ; whatever is true will 
bear handling ; whatever you find to be good, that receive 
and cherish for its own sake, though, for so doing, you be 
denounced as a pestilent and seditious fellow, and ranked 
among the ofl?scouring of all things. 

Is it worthy of us, as rational beings, to be stultified by 
ghostly authority, or intimidated from hearing, searching, 
trying all things, in consequence of the outcries of a bigoted 
intolerance ? Is it impossible for us to be mistaken ? Plave 
we never detected ourselves in error, or changed in opinion ? 
Can we grow no more } Who that is in the right, or that 
honestly believes that he has truth on his side, is afraid ? 

True, it does not follow that a man is in the right, because 
he is ready to engage in controversy ; for he may be devoid 
of sense, or disgustingly presumptuous, or extremely vain, 
or annoyingly combative, or incurably perverse. But this 
is certain : — he who is for forcibly stopping the mouth of 
his opponent, or for burning any man at the stake, or thrust- 
ing him into prison, or exacting a pecuniary fine from him. 



248 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



or impairing his means of procuring an honest livelihood, or 
treating him scornfully, on account of his peculiar views on 
any subject, whether relating to God or man, to time or 
eternity, is either under the dominion of a spirit of ruffian- 
ism or cowardice, or animated by that fierce intolerance 
which characterized Saul of Tarsus, in his zeal to extermi- 
nate the heresy of Christianity. On the other hand, he who 
forms his opinions from the dictates of enlightened reason, 
and sincerely desires to be led into all truth, dreads nothing 
so much as the suppression of free inquiry — is at all times 
ready to give a reason for the hope that is in him — calmly 
listens to the objections of others — and feels nothing of 
anger or alarm, lest his foundation shall be swept away by 
the waves of opposition. It is impossible, therefore, for him 
to be a persecutor, or to call upon the strong arm of vio- 
lence to put a gag into the mouth of any one, however heret- 
ical in his sentiments. In proportion as we perceive and 
embrace the truth, do we become meek, heroic, magnani- 
mous, divine. They may not talk of faith in God, or of 
standing on the eternal rock, who turn pale with fear or are 
flushed with anger when their cherished convictions are call- 
ed in question, or who cry out, ' If we let this man alone, 
the people will believe on him, and the Romans will come, 
and take away our place and nation.' They know not what 
spirit they are of; the light that is in them is darkness, and 
' how great is that darkness ' ! It was not Jesus who was 
filled with consternation, but his enemies, on account of the 
heresy of untrammelled thought and free utterance: — 
* Then the high priest rent his clothes, saying. He hath 
spoken blasphemy : what further need have we of wit- 
nesses ? Behold, now ye have heard his blasphemy. What 
think ye .? They answered and said, He is guilty of death. 
Then did they spit in his face, and buffet him ; and others 
smote him with the palms of their hands.' So have ever 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 249 

behaved the ' pious ' advocates of Error ; such has ever been 
the treatment of the ' blasphemous ' defender of Truth. 

* Let us speak plain : there is more force in names 
Than most men dream of; and a lie may keep 
Its throne a whole age longer, if it skulk 
Behind the shield of some fair-seeming name. 
Let us call tyrants, tyrants, and maintain 
That only freedom comes by grace of God, 
And all that comes not by his grace must fall ; 
For men in earnest have no time to waste 
In patching fig-leaves for the naked truth.' 

' Let us call tyrants, tyrants.' Not to do so is to misuse 
language, to deal treacherously with freedom, to consent to 
the enslavement of mankind. It is neither an amiable nor 
a virtuous, but a foolish and pernicious thing, not to call 
things by their right names. John Knox, when he was rep- 
rimanded for his severity of speech, with much significance 
and great good sense declared that he would call a fig a fig, 
and a spade a spade. ' Wo unto them,' says one of the 
world's great prophets, ' that call evil good, and good evil ; 
that put darkness for light, and light for darkness ; that put 
bitter for sweet, and sweet for bitter.' 

Popular sins are never regarded by the people as sins ; 
they are never called sins. Terms are invented to describe 
them, which fall upon the ear without harshness, and which, 
whenever uttered, give no alarm to the moral sense. This 
is what is called in Scripture, the transformation of Satan 
into an angel of light. Thus, they who are engaged in 
upbuilding the horrid slave system in this country — a sys- 
tem which presents no single feature of decency or utility, 
and which John Wesley comprehensively and justly called 
'the sum of all villanies ' — the Southern slaveholders and 
their abettors, designate it as ' the peculiar institution,' as 
' the corner-stone of our republican edifice.' This descrip- 



250 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

tion of it conveys no idea to the mind that is revolting or 
disagreeable, but quite the contrary — and yet it means 
theft and robbery ; it means assault and battery ; it means 
nakedness and penury ; it means yokes, fetters, branding- 
irons, drivers and bloodhounds ; it means cruelty and murder, 
concubinage and adultery ; it means the denial of all chances 
of intellectual and moral culture, gross mental darkness, and 
utter moral depravation ; it means the transformation of 
those, who, in the scale of creation, are but a little lower 
than the angels, to the condition of brutes and the fate of 
perishable property ; in one sentence, it means the denial of 
God as the common Father of us all, and of Christ as our 
common Savior and Redeemer. Still, we wrap it up in the 
fine linen of a deceitful phraseology — we call it ' the pecu- 
liar institution' — outwardly, we garnish this sepulchre, and 
make it pleasant to the eye, but carefully hide the bones, 
the uncleanness, and the pollution, which are festering 
beneath. The terrible exclamation which Milton puts into 
the mouth of Satan seems to be our great national motto — 
' Evil, be thou my good ! ' 

Thus, in the formation of our national Constitution, we 
carefully eschewed every word that might shock the ear of 
the most fastidious lover of liberty ; and yet, by words, 
phrases and clauses therein inserted, we intentionally and 
deliberately became partners in the capital crime of slave- 
holding ; we agreed to prosecute the African slave trade, with 
national energy and enterprise, for at least twenty years ; 
we admitted a slaveholding oligarchy (incomparably more 
oppressive and dangerous than an hereditary nobility) into 
Congress ; we made it lawful to hunt and recapture fugitive 
slaves in every part of our national domains ; we pledged our 
entire naval and military force to keep the slave population 
/ securely in their chains. And having thus involved our- 
selves in blood-guiltiness, we fall down and worship the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 251 

instnimcnt that we have made, with the same infatuation as 
that which characterizes the worshippers of Juggernaut. And 
we say, as did the murderous and oppressive Jews of old, 
who broke in pieces the people of God, and afflicted his 
heritage, — who slew the widow, the stranger, and the father- 
less — ' The Lord shall not see, neither shall the God of 
Jacob regard it.' But the admonition that was given to 
them may be addressed to us, with even greater force and 
solemnity — ' Understand, ye brutish among the people ; and 
ye fools, when will ye be wise ? Fie that planted the ear, 
shall he not hear ? he that formed the eye, shall he not see ? 
he that chastiseth the heathen, shall not he correct ? he that 
teacheth man knowledge, shall not he know ? ' 

• Once to every man and nation conies the moment to decide, 
In the strife of Truth with Falsehood, for the good or evil side; 
Some great cause, God's new Messiah, offering each the bloom or 

blight, 
Parts the goats upon the left hand, and the sheep upon the right; 
And the choice goes by for ever 'tvvixt that darkness and that light. 

« Have ye chosen, O my people, on whose party ye shall stand, 
Ere the Doom from its worn sandals shakes its dust against our 

land? 
Though the cause of evil prosper, yet the Truth alone is strong, 
And, albeit she wander outcast now, I see around her throng 
Troops of beautiful, tall angels, to enshield her from all wrong.' 

Of all the reformers who have appeared in the world — 
whether they were prophets, the Son of God, apostles, mar- 
tyrs or confessors ; whether assailing one form of popular 
iniquity or another ; whether impeaching the rulers in the 
State, or the teachers in the Church ; not one of them has 
been exempt from the charge of dealing in abusive language, 
of indulging in coarse personalities, of libelling the cliarac- 
ters of great and good men, of aiming to subvert time-hon- 



252 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ored and glorious institutions, of striking at the foundations 
of the social fabric, of being actuated by an irreligious spirit. 
The charge has ever been false, malicious, the very reverse 
of the truth ; and it is only the reformer himself who has 
been the victim of calumny, hatred and persecution. His 
accusations are denied, his impeachments are pronounced 
libellous, simply because the giant iniquity which he assails 
has subdued to its own evil purposes all the religious and 
political elements of the land, and everywhere passes cur- 
rent as both necessary and reputable. Of Jesus it was said, 
' This man is not of God ; he keepeth not the Sabbath day.' 
' He is a blasphemer ; he hath a devil.' Of the Apostles it 
was said, ' They are pestilent and seditious fellows, who go 
about seeking to turn the world upside down.' And Paul 
declares that they were treated as the offscouring of all 
things. Luther and his coadjutors were represented as the 
monsters of their times. Those excellent and wonderful 
men, Penn, Fox, Barclay, with the early Friends, suffered 
every kind of reproach, and experienced great tribulation, 
as infidel emissaries and fanatical disorganizers. Before the 
abolition of the African slave trade, Wilberforce and Clark- 
son were vehemently denounced as interfering with vested 
rights, and seeking to cripple the prosperity of England ; 
and a murderous attempt was made to drown the latter in 
the river Mersey, at Liverpool. It is needless to ask how 
those heroic and unfaltering pioneers of our race are now 
regarded. The mid-day sun, shining in the fullness of its 
strength, is not brighter — the firm-set earth is not more 
solid, than their fame ; and down through all coming time 
shall they be hailed by countless processions of new-born 
generations as among the saviors of their race. There will 
be none to distrust their disinterestedness, none to question 
their sanity, none to scofi" at their testimony. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 253 

' For Humanity sweeps onward ; where to-day the martyr stands, 
On the morrow crouches Judas with the silver in his hands ; 
Far in front the Cross stands ready, and the crackling faggots burn, 
While the hooting mob of yesterday in silent awe return 
To glean up the scattered ashes into History's golden urn. 

' Careless seems the great Avenger ; history's pages but record 
One death-grapple in the darkness 'twixt old systems and the 

Word ; 
Truth for ever on the scaffold, Wrong for ever on the throne, — 
Yet that scaffold sways the future, and, behind the dim unknown, 
Standeth God within the shadow, keeping watch above his own.' 

In taking a retrospect of the past, the present stands osten- 
sibly amazed and shocked at the treatment of those glorious 
old reformers. It sees nothing in the sternest language of 
the prophets to condemn ; it hails Jesus as the true Messiah, 
and weeps over his crucifixion ; it venerates the memories 
of the apostles and martyrs ; it places Luther, Calvin, Penn, 
in the calendar of saints. It mourns that all these were 
beyond its countenance and succor, and takes infinite credit 
to itself, that it is animated by a far higher and nobler spirit. 
All this is spurious virtue and mock piety ; it is a cheap 
mode of being heroic and good, for it costs nothing. The 
corrupt rulers, false prophets, and cunning priests, whom 
Isaiah and Jeremiah rebuked, and who visited upon the 
heads of these martyr-witnesses a terrible retribution, are all 
in their graves, and can neither bribe nor overawe us ; nor 
have we any interests in common with them ; and we there- 
fore sit in judgment between them and their accusers with a 
clear vision, a steady pulse, and an unbiased judgment. 
The chief priests, scribes and pharisees, with the rabble who 
cried out, ' Release not this man, but Barrabbas,' and ended 
by crucifying Jesus between two thieves, are gone, with all 
their official splendor, their religious authority, their brutal 
ruffianism, their power to kill. We fear them not ; wc read 
22 



254 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the woes pronounced against them by the faithful Nazarene, 
and feel no indignation at his strong language ; we regard 
that generation with abhorrence. So, too, they who hunted, 
like wild beasts, the reformers of the 15th and 16th centu- 
ries, are crumbled to dust, and we stand upon their ashes, 
and brand them freely and bravely as a band of cowards 
and persecutors. Why should we not ? We have no trade 
at stake ; our reputation is not in peril ; the fires of Smith- 
field are quenched ; we are living in the nineteenth century ; 
and dead men cannot harm us. But what are we doing in 
regard to the impostures, the crimes, the wrongs of our 
own times, and our own country ? Are we grappling with 
them, with any thing like the boldness of those whose sep- 
ulchres we are proud to build, whose memories we almost 
adore ? Are we striving to do for posterity what they did 
for us, and thus honestly discharging that great debt ? Or 
are we basely bowing the knee to a corrupt public sentiment, 
hurrying with the multitude to do evil, and leaving those 
responsibilities which God has imposed upon us, to be met 
by those who shall come after us ? If not ourselves acting 
as the moral pioneers of our times, what are we saying of 
those who are willing to be made of no reputation for Truth's 
sake, and who are receiving a share of the persecution that 
was meted out to Jesus and his disciples ? Are we joining 
with the enslavers of their fellow-men, with designing priests 
and profligate demagogues, with the infuriated and lawless 
mob, in raising the cry, * Fanatics ! traitors ! infidels ! ' 

If so, how much better, then, are we, than those old Jew- 
ish murderers of our Lord, who built the tombs of the proph- 
ets, and garnished the sepulchres of the righteous, and said, 
' If we had been in the days of our fathers, we would not 
have been partakers with them in the blood of the proph- 
ets ? ' To them the language of Jesus was, ' Wherefore 
ye be witnesses unto yourselves, that ye are children of them 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 255 

which killed the prophets, and of you shall be required all 
the blood that has been shed, from the blood of Abel unto 
the blood of Zacharias.' If we are treading in their foot- 
steps ; if we are as recreant to truth, as false to right, as 
hostile to liberty, in our day, as they were in theirs ; if we 
are unwilling to suffer in our reputation or worldly prosperity, 
to look tyrants and impostors serenely in the face, and bid 
them defiance while we unmask them ; if we ask, concern- 
ing those who are perishing, or grinding in the prison-house 
of bondage, ' Are we our brother's keepers? ' — then may 
we not sing the praises of Christ as our exemplar and guide, 
nor profess to honor his apostles, nor pretend to be animated 
by the love of God. We must be associated — nay, if we 
persevere in such a course, we shall be associated hereafter, 
by posterity — with those whom we now admit were the 
enemies of their race. 

But let it not be so with us. Let us prove ourselves 
worthy of the great and good who have gone before us. 
Truth needs our help ; let her have it. Right is cloven 
down in the land ; let us come to the rescue. Liberty is 
hunted with bloodhounds, and lynch law is threatened to her 
advocates ; let us form a body-guard around her, and bare 
our bosom to the shafts that are aimed at her. Christianity, 
as exemplified in the life of its great Founder, is tarnished, 
modified, perverted to the sanctioning of enormous crimes, 
to the justification of sinners of the first rank ; let us 
endeavor to remove its stain, to hold it up in its pristine 
purity, as against all wrong, all injustice, all tyranny, and 
embracing all mankind in one common brotherhood. Mil- 
lions of our countrymen are in chains, crying to us for 
deliverance ; on the side of their oppressors there is power ; 
let us rally for their emancipation, and never retire from the 
conflict, until victory or death be ours. The demon spirit of 
War is driving his chariot-wheels over the bodies of pros- 



256 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

trate thousands, and kindling the flames of hell throughout 
our borders ; let us be volunteers in the cause of peace, and 
give no countenance whatever to the spirit of violence. To 
do all this, it will cost us something ; we must think no more 
of the bubble reputation of the hour than did Jesus ; we 
must have entire faith in God, and be baptized into the divine 
spirit of love ; we must see of the travail of our souls, and 
be satisfied ; we must be strengthened and consoled by the 
thought, that, in addition to the sweet approval of our own 
consciences, we shall secure the gratitude of a redeemed 
posterity, and the smiles of God ; we must possess that 
indomitable spirit which led John Adams to exclaim, on 
signing the Declaration of Independence, ' Sink or swim, 
live or die, I give my hand and my heart to this Declara- 
tion ! ' 

' Then to side with Truth is noble, when we share her wretched 
crust, 
Ere her cause bring fame and profit, and 'tis prosperous to be just ; 
Then it is the brave man chooses, while the coward stands aside, 
Doubting in his abject spirit till his Lord is crucified, 
And the multitude make virtue of the faith they had denied.' 

No amount of homage paid to the past is a sure indica- 
tion of living virtue. On the contrary, the more profusely 
it is bestowed, the more clearly it will be seen that it is de- 
signed as a cloak to cover moral cowardice or arrant apos- 
tacy. Nothing is easier, nothing more common, than to 
honor ' Abraham, Isaac and Jacob ' ; to build and garnish 
the tombs of the old prophets ; to celebrate the deeds of 
Jesus and his Apostles. Nothing is more difficult, nothing 
more rare, than to walk in their footsteps and imitate their 
example ; to live, in our day, as they did in theirs, without 
reputation, hated, despised, persecuted, for righteousness' 
sake. Generally speaking, I care not how highly any one 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. , 257 

praises the dead, or how great may be his professed venera- 
tion for Luther or Calvin, for Whitefield or Wesley, for 
David or Moses, for Jesus or Paul. As, at this day, all this 
is popular, and is everywhere well received, it gives me 
no evidence of any vital appreciation of the character of 
those intrepid reformers, on the part of the encomiast. The 
cowardly and time-serving, the hypocritical and pharisaical, 
are always prompt to appear as the special champions of all 
departed, canonized worth. The last persons in the world 
who ought to profess admiration of the bold dissenter, the 
upright heretic, the righteous agitator, the heaven-inspired 
fanatic of the past, are they who dread to be found in a 
minority ; who are ever consulting the vane of public opin- 
ion ; who shrink from grappling with prevailing iniquity ; 
who tremble at the 'thought of perilling their reputation ; 
and whose aim is to pass through life without the slightest 
connection with any thing deemed extravagant or fanatical. 
Heaven save me from the folly of descanting about the 
merits and sacrifices of the dead, unless my own life bear 
some little resemblance to theirs, in manly contempt of what 
is merely fashionable, in cheerful readiness to endure 
reproach, in bold aggression upon systematic wrong, in 
wrestling against ' principalities, and powers, and spiritual 
wickedness in high places.' 

To every great reform, the same objections, substantially, 
are urged, until it triumphs. First — That it is against 
the Scriptures. Second — That it disturbs the peace and 
endangers the safety of the Church. Third — That it is 
generally discarded by the priesthood, who, being divinely 
appointed, must know all about it. Fourth — That it is 
contrary to long-established precedent and venerated author- 
ity. Fifth — That it lacks respectability and character ; 
those who espouse it are generally obscure, uninflucntial, 
and none of the rulers believe on it. Sixth — It is sheer 
22* 



258 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

fanaticism, and its triumph would be the overthrow of all 
order in society, and chaos would come again. Lastly — 
Its advocates are vulgar in speech, irreverent in spirit, per- 
sonal in attack, seeking their own base ends by bad means, 
and presumptuously attempting to dictate to the wise, the 
learned, and the powerful. 

Be not intimidated by any of these outcries. They are 
* full of sound and fury, signifying nothing.' Or, rather, 
they indicate the standard around which it is your duty and 
my duty to rally ; and that is, the standard of Right, whether 
storm or sunshine is to be our portion, or whatever may be 
the consequences. 

First of all, let us maintain freedom of speech; let us 
encourage honest and fearless inquiry in all things. Let us 
recognise no higher standard than that of Reason, and dare 
to summon to its bar all books, customs, governments, insti- 
tutions and laws, that we may prove them, and render our 
verdict accordingly. Whatever in this great universe is 
above our reason, with that we need have no controversy, 
nor should it give us any anxiety ; whatever is contrary to 
our reason, that let us promptly reject, though a thousand 
books deemed sacred should declare it to be true — though 
ten thousand councils should affirm it to be right — though 
all nations should pronounce us to be guilty of a terrible 
'heresy in rejecting it. If God does not address us as rea- 
sonable beings, he cannot address us as accountable beings, 
and hence we are absolved from every moral obligation to 
him : we take our place with the beasts of the field, with 
the fowls of the air, with stocks and stones. But he has 
created us in his great and glorious image : and 

• In our spirit doth His spirit shine, 
As shines the sunbeam in a drop of dew.' 

' Come, now, let us reason together, saith the Lord.' To 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 259 

resort to reason, then, is godlike ; to discard it, to be afraid 
of it, to set something else above it, is to make ourselves 
weak and foolish, as well as criminal and worthless. ' Why- 
judge ye not of yourselves what is right ? ' said Jesus to 
the Jews. He appealed to their reason, and by so doing, 
implied that he could make no higher appeal. 'It is a small 
thing to be judged of man's judgment,' said Paul. 'Let 
every man be fully persuaded in his own mind.' ' Prove all 
things ; hold fast that which is good.' 

Such are not the injunctions given us by modern teachers. 
They beg us not to be inquisitive ; they attempt to frighten 
us from a searching investigation of the things which they 
assume to be sacred ; they desire us to be satisfied with the 
discoveries of the past ; they point us to the interpretations, 
readings and decisions of the ancient fathers ; they declare 
dissent to be a heresy that will endanger the eternal safety 
of the soul; they cry — 'Prove nothing' — it has been 
already proved by others ; they enjoin us to ' hold fast that 
which t5,' whether it be good or bad. Such are moral 
cowards, false teachers, or wolves in sheep's clothing ; 
from such, turn away. 

Thank God, the Past is not the Present. For its oppor- 
tunities and deeds, we are not responsible. It is for us to 
discharge the high duties that devolve on us, and carry our 
race onward. To be no better, no wiser, no greater than 
the Past, Is to be little, and foolish, and bad ; it is to misap- 
ply noble means, to sacrifice glorious opportunities for the 
performance of sublime deeds, to become cumberers of the 
ground. We can and must transcend our predecessors, in 
their efforts to give peace, joy, liberty to the world. 

' Xcw occasions teach new duties ; Time makes ancient good 

uncouth ; 
They must upward, still, and onward, who would keep abreast of 

Truth : — 



260 SELECTIONS FROM THE "WRITINGS OF 

Lo ! before us gleam her camp-fires ! we ourselves must Pilgrims be, 
Launch our Mayflower, and steer boldly through the desperate 

winter sea, 
Nor attempt the Future's portal with the Past's blood-rusted key.' 

The history of the world presents no period so interesting 
or so sublime as the one in which we are called to be actors. 
It furnishes scope for the noblest ambition, for the exercise 
of the mightiest intellect, for the indulgence of the most 
philanthropic spirit, for the achievement of the most benefi- 
cent purposes. 

The extremity in which we find our country, at the pres- 
ent crisis, should induce us to forget our party feuds, our 
sectarian rivalries, and our personal variances. A common 
danger should make us one, to conspire for our safety, and 
the maintenance of the Right. We have in our midst, 
occupying two thirds of our national territory, a system, 
which, in all that vast section, allows no man to examine it, 
to speak his mind freely in regard to it, — especially, to 
labor for its overthrow. The very fact, that it will not 
submit to examination, strikes down freedom of speech 
and of the press, and the right of petition, demonstrates it 
to be incurably wicked and horribly offensive. That system 
is slavery ; and, like a cancer, it is eating out the vitals of 
the republic. We are under the absolute dominion of the 
Slave Power — a Power, which, like the grave, is never 
satisfied — and, like the horse-leech, is ever crying, ' Give ! 
give ! ' It is ruling us with a rod of iron ; and it is con- 
stantly lengthening its cords and strengthening its stakes. 
Before we ourselves can know what freedom is, and what 
it can do for us, — before freedom of speech and free inqui- 
ly can be safely enjoyed on our soil, — we have, first of all, 
to grapple with that unhallowed Power, and to decree its 
annihilation. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 

(Kn aitf /ir3t-15nrn. 
I. 

Heaven's long-desired gift ! my first-born child I 

Pledge of the purest love ! my darling son ! 

Now do I feel a father's bliss begun, — 
A father's hopes and fears, — babe undefiled ! 
Shouldst thou be spared, I could be reconciled 

Better to martyrdom, — so may be won 

Freedom for all, and servile chains undone. 
For if, amid this conflict, fierce and wild, 
With the stout foes of God and man, I fall, 

Then shalt thou early fill my vacant post, 
And, pouring on the winds a trumpet-call. 

Charge valiantly Oppression's mighty host ; 
So captive millions thou shalt disenthral, 

And, through the mighty God, of victory boast. 

II. 

Remember, when thou com'st to riper years, 

That unto God, from earliest infancy, 

Thy grateful father dedicated thee. 
And sought His guidance through this vale of tears. 
Fear God — then disregard all other fears ; 

Be, in His Truth, erect, majestic, free ; 

Abhor Oppression — cling to Liberty — 
Nor recreant prove, though horrid Death appears. 
I charge thee, in the name of Him who died 

On Calvary's cross, — an ignominious fate, — 
If thou wouldst reign with the Great Crucified, 

Thy reputation and thy life to hate : 
Thus shalt thou save them both, nor be denied 

A glittering crown and throne of heavenly state I 

HI. 

Flesh of my flesh ! now that I see thy form, 
And catch the starry brilliance of thine eyes, 
And hear — sweet music ! thy infantile erics. 



f^S$ SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

And feel in thee the life-blood beating warm, 
Strange thoughts within me generate and swarm ; 

Streams of emotion, overflowing, rise ; 

Such joy thy birth affords, and glad surprise, 
O nursling of the sunshine and the storm ! 
Bear witness. Heaven ! do I hate Slavery less, — 

Do I not hate it more, intensely more, — 
Now this dear babe I to my bosom press ? 

My soul is stirred within me — ne'er before 
Have horrors filled it with such dire excess. 

Nor pangs so deep pierced to its inmost core ! 

IV. 

Bone of my bone ! not all Golconda's gold 

Is worth the value of a hair of thine ! 

Yet is the Negro's babe as dear as mine — 
Formed in as pure and glorious a mould : 
But, ah ! inhumanly 'tis seized and sold ! 

Thou hast a soul immortal and divine, 

My priceless jewel ! — In a sable shrine 
Lies a bright gem, < bought with a price ' untold ! 
A little lower than th' angelic train 

Art thou created, and a monarch's power, 
My potent infant ! with a wide domain, 

O'er beast, bird, fish, and insect, is thy dower : 
The Negro's babe with thee was made to reign — 

As high in dignity and worth to tower ! 

V. 

O, dearest child of all this populous earth ! 

Yet no more precious than the meanest slave ! 

To rescue thee from bondage, I would brave 
All dangers, and count life of little worth. 
And make of stakes and gibbets scornful mirth ! 

Am I not perilling as much to save. 

E'en now, from bonds, a race who freedom crave ? 
To bless the sable infant from its birth ? 
Yet I am covered with reproach and scorn, 

And branded as a madman through the land ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 263 

But, loving thee, free one, my own first-born, 

I feel for all who wear an iron band : — 
So Heaven regard my son when I am gone, 

And bless and aid him with a liberal hand ! 



(Dntljs unit SlfflrmntinHS. 

A SHORT time since, I was summoned as a witness in a 
civil suit, in the Court of Common Pleas. On being told to 
hold up my hand and take the oath, I declined doing so, as 
a matter of conscience. Fortunately for me, my testimony 
was not indispensably necessary ; but, if it had been, or if 
the Court had chosen to inflict the penalty, I might have 
been torn from my family, and confined like a felon in jail. 
Every hour, I am living under this distressing liability ; and 
there are many others, who, on account of conscientious 
scruples, are placed in similar peril. I am fully persuaded 
that the people only need to have their attention called to 
this subject, to make them demand the abolition of all oaths 
and affirmations, at least, in all cases where there are con- 
scientious scruples against taking them. 

If, in one instance, conscience may be trampled upon, it 
may be in all others. It is not a more arbitrary stretch of 
power to make it penal to believe in one God, than it is to 
punish, as a crime, an unwillingness to testify in a manner 
which the conscience believes is contrary to the will of God. 
It is in vain to pretend, that the safety of property or the 
welfare of society requires this legal form of giving testi- 
mony ; for this is to say, in other words, that the enjoyment 
of individual liberty is not compatible with the public good, 



264 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and, therefore, that the rights of the minority are not abso- 
lute but conditional — dependant upon the sovereign will 
and pleasure of the majority. It is yet to be proved, that 
legal forms are of any real benefit to society. That, in a 
multitude of cases, they are useless, vexatious, oppressive, 
is a fact too notorious to need any proof. 

Every judge is bound to see that the laws of the State are 
duly enforced. Whether those laws are right or wrong, it 
is not for him to set them aside. If convinced that they 
are barbarous or unchristian, he can only say, ' I am very 
sorry that the laws are so made ' — ' The only remedy is to 
apply to the Legislature — that is a matter for them, not for 
me ' — 'If the courts of law are not conformable to Chris- 
tianity, it may be proper to bring the subject before the Le- 
gislature.' He does not know, and it would be treason for 
him to know, any higher power than the Legislature of 
Massachusetts, subordinate to the Constitution. He is bound 
to know and obey no other God. The enactments of the 
Legislature are his standard of justice and mercy, and 
beyond these he must not go one hair\s breadth, at the peril 
of impeachment. He must be ever ready to change with 
the vacillating legislation of the Commonwealth. If, to-day, 
it makes that a criminal act, which yesterday was inno- 
cent, he must expound and enforce the law accordingly, 
be its absurdity or its profligacy what it may. Thus, he 
surrenders his understanding, conscience and heart to the 
will of men, and, consequently, deems it his duty to obey 
men rather than God. He knows not, from one session of 
the Legislature to another, what he may be called to do. 
If, by a decree of that body, he must now send a person to 
prison, who will not give his testimony on oath or afiirma- 
tion, for conscience sake ; by another decree, he may be 
called to send to the stake, any one who refuses, in time of 
war, to march to the battle-field, for conscience sake. He 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 265 

may plead, that he is not responsible for the laws ; that it is 
his duty simply to expound them ; that the legislative and 
judicial departments of the government are not identical ; — 
but the plea is worthless. He holds to the doctrine, that 
might makes right ; that the majority have a right to rule 
over the minority, and to make such laws and to affix such 
penalties to them as they please ; that the laws must be 
obeyed and executed ; that the legislature may properly 
enact those laws ; that the judicial station which he fills is 
indispensable to the administration of the government. 
Hence, he is to be held responsible for the legitimate results 
of his own principles, and cannot shield himself from con- 
demnation, on the plea that it is not for him, as a judge, to 
decide on the moral character of the laws. 

Why should the custom of administering and taking 
oaths be universally abandoned ? For the following, among 
other reasons : — 

1. Those who profess to have ' put on Christ,' and to be 
governed by the Christian law, are assuredly prohibited from 
taking oaths. In his Sermon on the Mount, Jesus taught 
nothing more explicitly or more emphatically than the crim- 
inality of this practice. Mark his language : — 'Ye have 
heard that it hath been said by them of old time, Thou shalt 
not forswear thyself, but shalt perform unto the Lord thy 
oaths. But I say unto you. Swear not at all : neither 
by heaven ; for it is God's throne : nor by the earth ; for it 
is his footstool : neither by Jerusalem ; for it is the city of 
the great King. Neither shalt thou swear by thy head, 
because thou canst not make one hair white or black.' It 
will be observed, that the prohibition covers the whole 
ground. It does not merely refer to what is sometimes 
called unnecessary or profane swearing, nor to swearing 
falsely, but to swearing at any time, or for any purpose, 
even truly. It reads, ' Swear not at all' — but before he 
23 



266 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

lays it down, Jesus quotes the passage, ' Thou shah not 
forswear thyself, but shaU perform unto the Lord thine 
oaths' — (see Leviticus 19:12; Numbers 30:2; Deuter- 
onomy 23 : 23) — and then repudiates each and all of them, 
however sacredly they might be performed unto the Lord. 
' For it is manifest, that if truth may not be attested by an 
oath, no oath may be taken.' 

But Jesus did not stop here. He proceeded as follows: — 
' But let your communication be, Yea, yea ; Nay, nay.' 
' This,' says Dymond, in his able essays on this subject, ' is 
remarkable : it is positive superadded to negative commands. 
We are told not only what we ought not, but what we ought 
to do. It has indeed been said, the expression, " your com- 
munication," fixes the meaning to apply to the ordinary 
course of life. But to this there is a fatal objection : the 
whole prohibition sets out with a reference, not to conver- 
sational language, but to solemn declarations on solemn 
occasions. Oaths " to the Lord " are placed at the head of 
the passage ; and it is too manifest to be insisted upon, that 
solemn declarations, and not every-day talk, were the sub- 
ject of the prohibition.' 

The grand reason for this prohibition is given in the declar- 
ation — ' Whatsoever is more than these, cometh of evil.' 
Evil, then, is the foundation of oaths ; and that v.hich is built 
upon evil cannot be good. 

Similar were the views of the early Christians. ' The 
old law,' says Basil, ' is satisfied with the honest keeping of 
the oath, but Christ cuts off the opportunity of perjury.' ' I 
say nothing of perjury,' says Tertullian, ' since swearing 
itself is unlawful to Christians.' Chrysostom says, ' Do not 
say to me, I swear for a just purpose ; it is no longer lawful 
for thee to swear, either justly or unjustly.' ' He who,' says 
Gregory of Nysse, 'has precluded murder by taking away 
anger, and who has driven away the pollution of adultery 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 267 

by subduing desire, has expelled from our life the cause of 
perjury by forbidding us to swear; for where there is no 
oath, there can be no infringement of it.' 

2. It is an irreverent act for a court, or any other body 
of men, to summon God as a witness to their dealings, for 
purposes of vengeance, as though he could be made a party 
in the case at their bidding, and could know nothing of the 
matter without their calling upon him ! The obligation to 
speak the truth cannot be enhanced by any form or device, 
however ' legally ' resorted to. 

3. Good men — the honest and truthful — do not need to 
be put under oath. Bad men — the immoral and aban- 
doned — will not regard an oath, and can never be trusted in 
giving evidence, beyond the probabilities of the case. Be- 
sides : when was it ever known that the latter objected to 
taking an oath, for conscience sake ? They are always 
ready to be sworn ! It is invariably men of true self- 
respect, of deep conscientiousness, of strong religious prin- 
ciple, who object to this degrading and unchristian practice. 

4. To take an oath implies that, were it not administered, 
it would not be so wicked to testify falsely. But this is to 
strike at the basis of moral rectitude, and to make the duty 
of probity dependant upon circumstances. What can be 
more pernicious than the prevalence of this idea in society ? 

5. It is wrong to make a man swear that he will tell ' the 
truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth,' while on 
the stand ; because he may be at a loss to know how much 
is implied by that promise ; because his memory may be 
seriously defective, so as to involve him in apparent and 
even real contradiction, while his intentions are perfectly 
upright ; because his position, as a witness, may be to hini 
embarrassing beyond expression, questioned and cross-ques- 
tioned as he is liable to be in the most Jesuitical and merci- 
less manner by the counsel employed, so that he is not in a 



268 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

calm and rational state of mind, but feels bewildered, often 
alarmed, at the extraordinary array that meets his troubled 
gaze ; because his anxiety to be literally correct in his tes- 
timony nr^ay be the very cause of his giving it in an incohe- 
rent manner. Now, it is wrong to cause any man's mem- 
ory, veracity or self-possession to pass through this terrible 
ordeal, ' under the pains and penalties of perjury.' The prac- 
tice, moreover, is as useless as it is pernicious — no possible 
good resulting from it to any one, but much positive evil — 
and therefore it ought no longer to be tolerated among a 
ipeople claiming to be civilized, to say nothing of 'the Chris- 
tian law.' 

But as, in this Commonwealth, the Legislature has not 
made it imperative that the oath shall be taken, where there 
are conscientious scruples against taking it, but allows an 
affirmation to be given in its place, it is not necessary to 
dwell any longer on this question of oaths, as though the 
consciences of good men were not regarded on that partic- 
ular point. For a long time, however, I have felt some 
scruples in regard to affirming in the manner required by 
■law, — not for all the reasons which influence me to refuse 
to take an oath, but because it seems to me equally at war 
with the spirit of Christ's prohibition, and equally deroga- 
tory to the character of every honest man. I iiave no 
doubt that there are many others who cherish the same ob- 
jections, and that their number is steadily increasing. All 
'these, be it remembered, are constantly liable to be sum- 
moned as witnesses, in which case, as the law now is, they 
may be sent to prison for constructive ' contempt of Court.' 
Is there any necessity for such a law ? 

It may be argued, that as there is a wide difference 
between the act of taking an oath and that of affirming — as 
the former is an appeal to God, and the latter nothing more 
than a promise to tell the truth, ' under the pains and penal- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 269 

ties of perjury ' — as the Quakers, who have always borne 
a faithful testimony against oaths, do not object to the form 
of affirmation legally prescribed — it is absurd to have any 
conscientious scruples respecting the latter, and therefore 
the law ought not to be abrogated to gratify the religious 
whims of individuals as to what constitutes ' the Christian 
law.' 

To this mode of reasoning it is sufficient to reply, that 
though there is a difference between the oath and the affirm- 
ation, as alleged, it is a difference more in the form than in 
the substance or design — they being regarded by the gov- 
ernment and the people as equally essential to the procuring 
of true evidence, equally binding upon the conscience of 
the witness, equally safe for the Commonwealth. The one 
keeps in countenance and perpetuates the other — just as 
the moderate use of intoxicating liquor perpetuates intem- 
perance. 

Again : there are those who conscientiously believe, that 
the same Christian law which prohibits swearing, also for- 
bids the inflicting of ' pains and penalties ' on the wrong- 
doer. It is as explicit in the one case as in the other. ' Ye 
have heard that it hath been said. An eye for an eye, and a 
tooth for a tooth. But I say unto you, that ye resist not 
evil: but whosoever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, 
turn to him the other also,' &c. Now, to affirm as the law 
requires, implies something more than a passive acquies- 
cence in the infliction threatened, in case of being detected 
in testifying falsely : it is virtually sanctioning that infliction 
as just and right on the part of the government, which 
many good men cannot do : hence, to compel them to 
affirm, on peril of imprisonment — nay, more, to force ihcm 
to invoke that punishment upon themselves — is palpably an 
oppressive act. 

The fact, that the Quakers do not object to taking an 
23* 



270 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

affirmation, proves nothing more than that they have no 
conscientious scruples in the case. 1 am not yet convinced 
that their conscience is to be the guide of my own, or that 
it is necessarily innocent to perform that which they see no 
evil in doing. To their own Master they stand or fall. I 
honor them greatly for the many noble testimonies which 
they have borne against moral and legal wrong ; and I have 
no doubt that they will be led to see that, in consenting to 
be put under affirmation, they have departed from the sim- 
plicity of the law of Christ — ' Let your communication be. 
Yea, yea : Nay, nay : for whatsoever is more than these, 
[whether oath or affirmation,] cometh of evil.' 

To say, that it is a religious whim to object to affirming, 
is to say that conscience is to be governed by the statute 
book, and punished severely whenever it interferes with 
popular usage. Hence, that it must not bow to its own con- 
viction of the will of God, and has no higher duty to perform 
than to obey the State. 

Many think the Quakers unnecessarily squeamish in 
refusing to be sworn ; but no one now thinks they ought to 
be imprisoned on that account. The Constitution very 
properly respects their conscientious feelings, and provides 
a remedy. Let that body go one step further, and allow all 
those to testify who are scrupulously unwilling to take an 
■oath or to affirm, without any legal form. 

This is indeed a serious matter. By an absurd require- 
ment, eminendy conscientious persons are now prevented 
from giving testimony in cases where human life and prop- 
erty are at stake, and placed on a level with felons. 

But I argue for the abolition of oaths and affirmations, not 
only for conscience sake, but because they are wholly 
USELESS. Of what avail is the plea of the prisoner, ' Not 
guilty,' in determining his criminality ? None. Neither 
the judge nor the jury are influenced by it. They proceed 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 271 

to ascertain the facts as carefully as though he had not made 
any response. It is a mere form, but one not less perni- 
cious than it is useless ; for it tempts the guilty to lie, that 
he may have a chance to escape through some legal tech- 
nicalities, or defect in the evidence. It ought to be abol- 
ished, for its iniquity and folly. 

Of what avail is it that the witnesses have affirmed or 
taken the oath ? Is their testimony rendered more credible 
on that account ? No. The court proceeds to try the case 
precisely as though they had complied with no such requisi- 
tion. The verdict is rendered, not upon the fact that they 
testified under oath or affirmation, but upon the coherency of 
the evidence, the probabilities of the case, and the general 
character of the witnesses for probity. By no other stand- 
ard could there ever be a verdict rendered ! For, if the 
fact, that the witnesses on the one side have been sworn, 
makes their evidence decisive, then the fact, that the wit- 
nesses on the other side have been sworn, proves them to 
have testified truly; and as ihey utterly contradict each 
other, it proves that both the plaintiff and defendant are in 
the right ! Such are some of the absurdities of the law. 

If, then, the administering or taking of oaths and affirm- 
ations fails to elicit or determine the truth ; if it conflicts 
with the consciences of many enlightened and upright per- 
sons, and exposes them, through contumacy, to the punish- 
ment of felons; if it implies (as it docs) that man may im- 
pose upon his brother man, by the enforcement of a partic- 
ular ceremony, a higher obligation to speak the truth than his 
Creator has affixed to his moral nature ; if its tendency is 
to demoralize rather than to elevate society ; and if it is not 
necessary for private security or the public good ; then let 
it be at once and for ever abrogated. 



272 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



England ! I grant that thou dost justly boast 

Of splendid Geniuses beyond compare ; 

Men great and gallant — Women good and fair — 
Skilled in all arts, and filling every post 
Of learning, science, fame — a mighty host ; 

Poets divine, and Benefactors rare — 

Statesmen — Philosophers — and they who dare 
Boldly to explore Heaven's vast and boundless coast. 
To one alone I dedicate this rhyme. 

Whose virtues with a starry lustre glow ; 
Whose heart is large, whose spirit is sublime, 

The friend of Liberty, of Wrong the foe : 
Long be inscribed upon the roll of Time, 

The name, the worth, the works of Harriet Martineau ! 



OF DARLINGTON, ENGLAND. 

A NATIVE dignity and gentle mien ; 

An intellect expansive, clear and strong ; 

A spirit that can tolerate no wrong ; 
A heart as large as ever yet was seen ; 
A soul in every exigence serene, 

In which all virtuous excellencies throng ; 

These, best of women ! all to thee belong : 
What more of Royalty has England's Queen ? 
Thy being is absorbed in doing good, 

As was thy Lord's, to all the human race ; 
With courage, faith, hope, charity endued, 

All forms of wretchedness thou dost embrace ; 
Still be thy work of light and love pursued, 

And thy career shall angels joy to trace. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 273 



It is not possible that the late celebration on Bunker Hill 
can have been either pleasing to God, or honorable to the 
people of the United States. Failing in these particulars, it 
is to be regarded as an exhibition of national hypocrisy, only 
faintly illustrated by the conduct of the Jewish people, who, 
at the very moment they were pretending to seek God daily, 
' as a nation that did righteousness, and were asking of him 
the ordinances of justice, and affectedly taking delight in 
approaching to God,' were smiling with the fist of wicked- 
ness, and tightening the bands of oppression. Surely, it 
would not be more absurd than monstrous, for a people, 
given over to all uncleanncss of mind and body, to erect a 
monument in honor of Purity, and to join in celebrating its 
completion. Not less absurd, not less monstrous, was the 
pageant witnessed on Bunker Hill, on the 17th of June ; for 
in that pageant were embodied all forms of national dissimu- 
lation, cant, bombast, effrontery. The festivity was gen- 
eral — the commemoration a universal act. It is to constitute 
a part of the history of these United States ; not simply of 
Massachusetts. The leading participants in it were the Presi- 
dent and his Cabinet, and other distinguished officers of the 
Government. All parts of the republic were represented 
by accredited delegates. An ' uncounted multhude ' came 
from the broad savannas of the South, from the newer 
regions of the West, from the rich valley of the Genesee 7 
and along the chain of the Lakes, from the mountains of 
Pennsylvania, and the thronged cities of the coast. The 
battle of June 17, 1775, was for a national object, involved 
national consequences, and led to national deliverance from 
a foreign yoke. The erection of a monument was made an 
affair of national importance, interest and honor. 



274 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



If there be any trait of character specially detestable in 
the sight of God or men, it is that of hypocrisy. It is the 
wolf in sheep's clothing — it is Satan in the garb of an angel 
of light. This nation is infected with it. How, in words, it 
recognises the freedom, the equality, the inalienable rights 
of mankind ! How, in acts, it annihilates those rights, 
denies that equality, and scoffs at that freedom ! How great, 
in profession, is its reverence for liberty ! How strong, in 
practice, is its attachment to slavery ! The celebration on 
Bunker Hill constitutes the climax of its inconsistency. 

I turn to the Address of Mr. Webster, delivered on that 
memorable occasion. It is not for an intellect so vigorous 
and a mind so capacious as his own, to make a feeble effort 
under circumstances so spirit-stirring. Yet I am disappoint- 
ed, on a careful perusal of it. It contains few passages of 
robust thought, or expansive love, or rhetorical power. 
Marked by his usual simplicity of style, it yet lacks the 
declamatory fire, the axiomatic form of speech, the over- 
powering unction of feeling, that have characterized some 
of his other productions. Its exordium, though certainly 
pertinent in any account of the origin, progress and comple- 
tion of the monument, is common-place, occupied as it is 
with the petty details of individual merit, in relation to the 
building of this stupendous granite pile. What strikes me 
as somewhat singular is, that more space is given to record 
the death and worth of George Blake, ' a man of wit and 
talent,' and twenty times as much to emblazon the virtues of 
Thomas H. Perkins, an eminent merchant of Boston, than 
is conceded to a notice of the life and death of Lafayette ! 
Indeed, all that is said by the orator, respecting the latter, 
is — ' Lafayette sleeps in his native land.' Strange that, 
in view of the fact that this distinguished champion of Ameri- 
can freedom was present at the laying of the corner-stone 
of the monument, and that the project for building it was 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 275 

conceived and announced to the people during his last 
sojourn among us — strange, I say, that Mr. Webster should 
have left wholly unimproved so rare and apposite an oppor- 
tunity to bestow an elaborate eulogium on his revolutionary 
services and eventful life ! 

The Address is too purely historical for such an occasion. 
It is an effort to please, rather than to benefit the people ; it 
distributes praise with a liberal hand, but finds nothing to 
censure in our past or present career. Acting as the histo- 
rian of the country, justice and verity demanded of Mr. 
Webster, that he should record its evil, as well as its good 
deeds. But to do this requires moral courage, insensibility 
to public anger, reverence for truth, and deep solicitude for 
the welfare of the republic. These traits are not percepti- 
ble in the character of Mr. Webster. He knows well how 
to play the flatterer, but in him are seen none of the 
elements of a reformer. Morally, he is a colossal coward. 
In the light of reason, the selection of such a man to be 
the orator on Bunker Hill was a biting satire on repub- 
lican liberty, and a shameful insult to the memories of 
those who perished in ' the first great battle of the revolu- 
tion.' He, the man of men, the first choice of a nation of 
freemen — the one pre-eminently qualified, among seven- 
teen millions of people, to deliver the Address on such an 
occasion ! The man who travelled to Richmond, Virginia, 
on an electioneering tour in 1840, and then and there, ' in 
the face of an October sun,' and in the presence of a great 
crowd of cradle-plunderers and men-stealers, basely gave 
a pledge, in behalf of himself and the people of New Eng- 
land, to stand by the Southern slave system, and to frown on 
the Anti-Slavery enterprise ! The man, who, as the lead- 
ing Senator in Congress from Massachusetts, saw the sacred 
right of petition cloven down, session after session, and 
raised no note of remonstrance, no voice of warning, against 



276 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

the tyrannous deed ! The man who lias seen millions of his 
countrymen chained, enslaved, without any hope or prospect 
of redemption ; and yet has never shed one tear of sympa- 
thy for their fate, never felt one throb of indignation in view 
of their terrible treatment, never once opened his mouth to 
plead their cause ! The man who has prostituted his great 
talents in negotiating with the British government, to cause 
the self-emancipated, heroic slaves of the Creole to be given 
up to our own government, that they may be put to an igno- 
minious death, as rebels and murderers, merely for imitat- 
ing the example of Washington, Hancock and Warren ! 
He, the chosen orator for the 17th of June, 1843, on Bunker 
Hill, to expatiate on the blessings of civil and religious lib- 
erty, and to eulogize those who resisted unto death ' a three- 
penny tax on tea ' ! Assuredly, if the people of New 
England, of Massachusetts, had been true to themselves, 
and loyal to the cause of liberty, they never would have 
consented to the appointment of Daniel Webster as the 
orator on the occasion alluded to. But the whole affair was 
a sublime mockery, and it was perfectly in character to place 
him at the head of it. 

What the occasion demanded was, not merely a retrospect 
of the past, but a sober, careful, faithful survey of the pres- 
ent condition of the country ; not only a picture of what 
had been achieved by revolutionary valor and self-sacrifice, 
but a description of what remained to be done by other and 
higher instrumentalities, to give peace, security, permanency 
to the republic. Nothing can be more dangerous than to 
administer compliments to national vanity ; for every nation 
had an abundance of this commodity, even for exporta- 
tion, and none appears to be so well supplied with it as our 
own. It is true, in the peroration of his discourse, Mr. 
Webster speaks of duties and obligations to be performed ; 
bids us remember ' the sacred trust, attaching to the rich in- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 277 

heritance which we have reccivecl from our fathers ' ; tells us 
lo feel our personal responsibility for the preservation of our 
institutions of civil and religious liberty ; invokes us to 
' remember that it is only religion, and morals, and knowl- 
edge, that can make men respectable and happy, under any 
form of government ' ; and reminds us of ' the great truth, 
that communities are responsible, as well as individuals.'' 
But a homily like this defines nothing, and is not intended 
to be applied to any thing. It is nothing more than a sop to 
the religious sentiment, and an unsuccessful effort to appear 
virtuous. Neither the man who gave utterance to it, nor the 
people who heard it, comprehended its actual meaning. 
' No government,' said Mr. Webster, ' is respectable, which 
is not just.' Did he mean to say that the American govern- 
ment is unjust, and therefore degraded ? Not he ! Did the 
assembled multitude understand him as impeaching the integ- 
rity and honor of the country ? Not they ! Had he so 
meant, had they so understood him, his praise had been 
small on that day ; their tumult had been great. Yet, that 
injustice is the distinguishing feature of our government, all 
men know. For what is implied in the fact, that, under it, 
three millions of people lie crushed and bleeding, if it be 
not injustice in its most dreadful form ? There was no sin- 
cerity, therefore, in the words of the orator ; no self-convic- 
tion in the minds of his hearers. 

Be it conceded, that this was an occasion that justified 
praise — even high-wrought panegyric. It also called for 
solemn warning, stern rebuke, strong condemnation. These 
being omitted, the praise becomes no less dangerous than 
flattery. ' Credit to whom credit,' but also censure to whom 
censure is due. ' We may praise what we cannot equal,' 
says Mr. Webster, ' and celebrate actions which we were 
not born to perform.' This is true ; but when he avers that 
' Heaven has not allotted to this generation an opportutiity of 
24 



278 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

rendering high services, and manifesting strong personal 
devotion, such as they [the patriots of the Revolution] ren- 
dered and manifested, and in such a cause as roused the 
patriotic fires of their youthful breasts, and nerved the 
strength of their arms,' he shows that, while he is able to 
describe the past, he is unable to appreciate the present, or 
to take a large survey of the future. These are more 
solemn, more eventful, far more grand and sublime times — 
times requiring a more self-sacrificing spirit, a higher and 
better kind of courage, a holier zeal, a loftier devotion — 
times incomparably more trying to the souls of men — than 
those which our revolutionary fathers were called to experi- 
ence. But, having eyes, the boasted ' Defender of the Con- 
stitution ' is blind ; having ears, he hears not. What to him 
is the present ? Nothing. What is he doing to advance 
the welfare of the future.^ Nothing. The past — the 
past — the past! On that he can dwell with exultation, 
expatiate eloquently, and flourish abundantly. The giant in 
intellect is a pigmy in heart. His courage is of the most 
craven character ; his regard for human rights incompar- 
ably less than for his own popularity ; his estimation of the 
cause of freedom low, partial, false, American. Another 
struggle, mightier than of old, for the emancipation of three 
millions of people from servile chains, is going on in the 
land ; but in the eyes of the purchased Webster, it is as 
despicable, as unjustifiable, as treasonable, as was the revo- 
lutionary war, for a time, in the eyes of the tories of Eng- 
land. It is a struggle on the part of the few against the 
many — the weak against the mighty — the poor against the 
rich — the friends of universal liberty against the supporters 
of a worse than absolute despotism. It is a struggle to 
secure to all the full enjoyment of those rights, which the 
patriots of 1776 fought and bled in vain to establish ; not 
limited by any geographical boundaries, nor actuated by any 



WILLIAX LLOYD GARRISON. '279 

local considerations, nor animated by any vindictive feelings 
towards those who are enacting the part of tyrants ; waged 
with ethereal weapons, stained with no other blood than that 
of its own martyrs, full of stirring incident, rich prospect- 
ively in historic renown, glorious in its object, magnanimous 
in its spirit, sublime in its moral majesty, on the speedy tri- 
umph of which, the prosperity, the harmony, the very exist- 
ence of the republic depend ! In every one of its features, 
it wears a nobler aspect than any of those which character- 
ised the revolutionary war. Laurels are to be gathered in 
it, that never fade ; a name and a fame, that shall survive 
those ever obtained by diplomatic skill or political success, 
or on the battle-field of blood-spilling war. Yet Mr. Web- 
ster has the fatuity to declare, that * Heaven has not allotted 
to this generation an opportunity of rendering high services, 
and manifesting strong personal devotion,' such as they ren- 
dered and manifested, who rushed to the strife of blood sixty 
years ago ! O, this is a melancholy exhibition of mingled 
cowardice and slothfulness, under circumstances which ad- 
mit of no palliation ! Yet, how all tongues are extolling the 
' godlike ' intellect and spirit of Daniel Webster ! ' How 
great, wide-spread, enduring is his reputation ! ' they exclaim. 
' The pride of America ! a prodigy among mankind ! ' It 
is on such flatteries that he is attempting to feed his immor- 
tal nature, while he rejects the bread and water of life. 
The greatness of his intellect cannot save his memory from 
the corruption of mortality. Nothing can perpetuate that 
memory, but its connection with every righteous reform, 
every virtuous struggle for liberty, every just testimony 
against wrong-doing, during the remainder of his life. For 
politicians and time-servers, for warriors and chieftains, there 
remains no honorable place on the scroll of fame, or in the 
annals of time. Their memories shall fade away in the 



280 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

pure, noon-tide light of a new dispensation, as the stars of 
night retire before the blaze of day. 

Thus it shall be with the name even of Washington, 
who, in the remembrance, affection and grathude of the 
American people, has been made by them more than a rival 
of Christ, and practically exaUed ' above all that is called 
God.' The language of panegyric has long since been 
exhausted to describe his merits ; but, as if emulous of sur- 
passing all panegyrists who have gone before him, and of 
drawing a portraiture that should immortalize the artist as 
well as the subject, Mr. Webster has tasked his genius and 
imagination to the utmost, adequately to represent the heroic 
glory and moral grandeur of the character of Washington. 
Vain, though brilliant attempt ! From the low eminence on 
which he stood to survey that character, looking at it through 
the disordered medium of a carnal vision, and measuring it 
by the imperfect rule of worldly patriotism, Mr. Webster 
has given utterance to sentiments that challenge the assent 
and admiration of all who are subjects of ' the kingdoms of 
this world.' From the high eminence of Christianity, and 
in the light of universal and perfect love, the character of 
Washington is seen to be radically defective. See what has 
long been proudly claimed for him ! ' First in war, first in 
peace, and first in the hearts of his countrymen ! ' First in 
war ! The first to give the blow, to spill human blood, to 
lead others to the conflict of death ! What a eulogy ! How 
incongruous, how impious it would sound to apply it to the 
Son of God ! ' First in war ! ' Can that which is degrad- 
ing to the character of Christ, be worthy of praise and hom- 
age in that of Washington.'' But let us be just. It is also 
claimed for the latter, that he was ' first in peace.' Absurd 
paradox! At best, it amounts only to this — that, having 
the disposition to be the first to resort to arms in defence of 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 281 

his own rights, he was also disposed to be first in efiecting a 
truce; but only on this condition: — 'If you will let me 
alone, I will let you alone. If you will not strike me, I will 
not strike you. If you will not attack the liberties of my 
country, I will not kill and destroy by way of retaliation. If 
you will be peaceable, I will ; if not, remember I am first 
ix^ WAR.' How different the spirit of Flim, ' who left us an 
example, that we should follow his steps ; who, when he was 
reviled, reviled not again ; when he suffered, he threatened 
not; but committed himself to him that judgeth righteous- 
ly ! ' Either Jesus or Washington must be rejected, as 
unworthy to receive the homage of mankind ; for their traits 
of character were utterly dissimilar. ' First in the hearts of 
his countrymen.' This is a terrible fact. It is far more 
unpopular and hazardous to arraign the conduct of Wash- 
ington, than to speak against Jesus. He is incompar- 
ably before Jesus in the esteem of the American people ; 
and they regard his ' Farewell Address ' with far higher 
reverence than they do ' the glorious gospel of the blessed 
God.' They are patriotic idolaters. No matter who comes 
next — Washington must stand 'first.' I know how angry 
my countrymen will be with me, for presuming to dispute 
the right of Washington to be first in their hearts ; but will 
they do well to be angry ? I readily concede to him all that 
worldly patriotism claims in his behalf; but I say that worldly 
patriotism, though it is something preferable to cowardice 
and a slavish spirit, is not Christianity, and, therefore, not to 
be applauded as worthy of imitation. It may be said, that 
Washington was a pious man. In a popular sense, this is 
true ; but his piety was made compatible with oppressive and 
sanguinary acts. 

Mr. Webster vauntingly says of Washington — Ho is all, 
all our own. I claim him for America.' The boast and the 
claim are equally derogatory. Washington gave himself for 
24* 



282 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

his country, not for the world. He was strictly ' an Ameri- 
can production.' His philanthropy was not expansive ; his 
regard for the rights of man was not founded on principle ; 
for while he would not submit to wear even a political yoke 
himself, and was inciting his countrymen to throw off that 
yoke by physical force, and was professedly the champion 
of the Declaration of Independence, he was basely enslav- 
ing men, women and children, and living on the fruits of 
their unrequited toil ! Nor did he release his grasp upon 
them, till he felt that of death on himself And he is the 
paragon, the idol of America ! the ' first in the hearts of his 
countrymen ' ! 

What shall be said of the example of Washington as a 
swarrior and slaveholder? Say, ye friends of peace — say, 
ye friends of impartial liberty — is it worthy of imitation? 
Has it not been disastrous to the cause of Humanity, as 
sanctioning war and slavery ? Is it not time to exhibit it in 
its true light — to assert its utter incompatibility with a great 
soul, a true life, a Christian disposition ? Shall a stain be 
cast on the character of Jesus, in order to screen the repu- 
tation of Washington ? ' The gospel requires us to suppress 
every angry emotion, to forgive every injury, to revenge 
none. Shall we forgive as individuals, and retaliate as com- 
munities ? Shall we turn the other cheek as individuals, and 
plunge a dagger into the heart of our enemy, as nations ? 
We might as well be sober as individuals, and drunk as 
nations. We might as well be merciful as individuals, and 
rob as patriots. We must not deceive ourselves. To be a 
patriot is one thing ; to be a Christian, another. The char- 
acters are irreconcilable. They demand conflicting duties. 
We cannot serve our country in war, and serve God in 
peace. We cannot love our enemies, and kill them.' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 283 

THE EARLY, STEADFAST, INTUEPID ADVOCATE OF EMANCirATION. 

Self-taugut, unaided, poor, reviled, contemned — 

Beset with enemies, by friends betrayed ; 
As madman and fanatic oft condemned, 

Yet in thy noble cause still undismayed ! 
Lconidas could not thy courage boast ; 

Less num'rous were his foes, his band more strong ; 
Alone, unto a more than Persian host, 

Thou hast undauntedly given battle long. 
Nor shalt thou singly wage th' unequal strife ; 

Unto thy aid, with spear and shield, I rush, 
And freely do I offer up my life, 

And bid my heart's blood find a wound to gush ! 
New volunteers are trooping to the field — 
To die they are prepared — but xot ax inch to yield ! 



Thank God, that though thy body Death has slain, 
Thy quenchless spirit nothing could subdue ; 
That though thou art removed from mortal view, 

Thou livest ever more — and not in vain ! 



Of Freedom's friends, the truest of the true 

Wast thou, as all her deadly foes well knew ! 
For bravely her good cause thou didst maintain. 
No threats could move, no perils could appal. 

No bribes seduce thee, in thy high career : 
O, many a fettered slave shall mourn thy fall, 

And many a ransomed one let drop the tear ; 
A nation wakened by thy trumpet-call — 

The world itself — thy memory shall revere ! 



284 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



The first great step in aid of the prisoner was taken by 
John Howard. It was his mission to explore the prisons of 
his own country and of Europe, and to reveal their horrors 
to the world — to demand, in the name of justice, and by the 
claims of our common humanity, a change in their struc- 
ture, discipline and administration. For this, he has immor- 
talized his memory. The effect of his example, and the 
result of his labors, have been prodigious. 

To take the convict by the hand, in the spirit of good- 
will, and to lead him back to virtue and respectability, as 
soon as he is discharged from his confinement, is the second 
step in the march of criminal reform ; and it is essential to 
secure the object aimed at by the first. 

But there is another, a more comprehensive, and a far 
more radical step yet to be taken, not in disparagement or 
neglect of the others, but as a truly philosophical and Chris- 
tian corollary. It is, for those who are injured not to call 
upon the State, with its inexorable, arbitrary and murderous 
power, to punish the criminal, but for themselves to forgive 
him, with all the magnanimity and long-suffering of Christ, 
and promptly to return good for the evil that may have been 
done. If this course were pursued, in an overwhelming 
majority of cases, the immediate result would be reconcilia- 
tion, and the reclamation of the offender ; and few indeed 
would be the instances, in which it would be found neces- 
sary to exercise even the slightest bodily restraint. It con- 
stitutes no part of the mission of Christ to incarcerate men 
in cells and dungeons, as a punishment for their crimes. 
He came to open prison-doors, not to bolt and bar them. 
He has left those who would be his followers a plain an 
glorious example as to the manner in which he would have 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 285 

even the vilest ofTenclcrs treated. (II. Peter, 2:19-25.) 
See his Sermon on the Mount. See his entire life, his 
affecting death. The forgiveness (which certainly is not 
the punishment) of enemies, or of those who are criminally 
disposed, is the hinge on which turns the door of admission 
into the kingdom of God, wherein is no violence, no retalia- 
tion, no reliance upon brute force for safety or redress. O, 
it is phiable to see the eagerness with which the professed 
disciples of Christ rush to the criminal courts, to have 
arrested and thrust into horrid places of confinement, those 
who have injured them in person, reputation or property, 
however slightly ! In this particular, between them and the 
most unblushing worldlings, there is no perceptible differ- 
ence. If a debt be withheld, if an article be stolen from 
them, if an assault be made upon them, if they be defamed 
in their character, straightway they cry out for the interven- 
tion of the murderous power of the State, and exact all that 
the law allows in such cases, however sanguinary or de- 
moralizing ! And then they will get down on their knees, 
and pray to the God whose laws they so frequently 
violate — 'Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive those 
who trespass against us ' ! They will gravely talk about 
filling up the measure of Christ's sufferings, bearing the 
cross, overcoming evil with good, and counting all things as 
dross that they may win Christ ! Tliere cannot be a greater 
mockery than this. What the magnanimous Paul thought 
of all this is plainly indicated by his sharp admonition to 
his Corinthian brethren: — 'Dare any of you, having a 
matter against another, go to law before the unjust, and not 
before the saints ? . . . Now, therefore, there is utterly 
a fault among you, because ye go to law one with another. 
Why do ye not rather take wrong ? Why do ye not 

BATHER SUFFER YOURSELVES TO BE DEFRAUDED ? Nay, yC 

do wron^.' 



286 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Inuurt. 



Who talks of weariness in Freedom's cause, 

Knows nothing of its life-sustaining power ; 
Who in the conflict for the right would pause, 

Beneath a tyrant's rod was made to cower ; 
"Who something loves more than his brother man, 

Holds it more sacred, at a higher price, — 
Fails to discern Redemption's glorious plan, 

Or in what sense Christ is our sacrifice ; 
Who stands aloof from those who are agreed 

In charity to aid and bless mankind, 
Because they walk not by his narrow creed, 

Himself among the fallen spirits shall find ; 
AVho would show loj-alty to God must be 
At all times true in man's extremity. 



There is nothing which excites more unfeigned astonish- 
ment in the old world, than the prejudice which dogs the 
footsteps of the man of color in this pseudo republic. 
True, there are many absurd, criminal, aristocratic distinc- 
tions abroad, which ought to cease ; but these are also found, 
to a great extent, in the United States, and have been com- 
mon to all countries, and in every age. They originate in 
the pride of wealth, in successful enterprise, in educational 
superiority, in official rank, in civil, military, and ecclesias- 
tical rule. For these, there may be framed some plausible 
excuses. But to scorn, insult, brutalize and enslave human 
beings, solely on account of the hue of the skin which it has 
pleased God to bestow on them; to pronounce them ac- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 287 

cursed, for no crime on their part ; to treat them substan- 
tially alike, whether they are virtuous or vicious, refined or 
vulgar, rich or poor, aspiring or grovelling ; to be inflamed 
with madness against them in proportion as they rise in self- 
respect, and improve in their manners and morals ; this is 
an act so unnatural, that it throws into the shade all other 
distinctions known among mankind. Thank God, it is con- 
fined to a very small portion of the globe ; though, strange 
to tell, it is perpetrated the most grossly, and in a spirit the 
most ferocious and inexorable, in a land claiming to be the 
pattern-land of the world — the most enlightened, the most 
democratic, the most Christian. Complexional caste is tol- 
erated no where, excepting in the immediate vicinage of 
slavery. It has no foundation in nature, reason, or uni- 
versal custom. But, as the origin of it is to be traced to 
the existence of slavery, so its utter eradication is not to be 
expected until that hideous system be overthrown. Nothing 
but the removal of the cause can destroy the effect. That, 
with all its desperate eflJbrts to lengthen its cords and 
strengthen its stakes, the Slave Power is continually grow- 
ing weaker, is most clearly demonstrated in the gradual 
abatement of the prejudice which we have been deploring; 
for strong and terrible as that prejudice now is, it has 
received a very perceptible check within the last ten years, 
especially in New England. 

No one can blame the intelligent and virtuous colored 
American for turning his back upon the land of his nativity, 
and escaping from it with the precipitancy that marked the 
flight of Lot out of Sodom. To remain in it is to subject 
himself to continual annoyance, persecution, and outrage. 
Tn fifteen or twenty days, he can place his feet on the 
shores of Europe — in Great Britain and Ireland — where, 
if he cannot obtain more food or better clothing, he can 
surely find that his complexion is not regarded as a crime. 



288 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and constitutes no barrier to his social, intellectual, or polit- 
ical advancement. He who, with this powerful temptation 
to become an exile before him, is resolved to remain at 
home, and take his lot and portion with his down-trodden 
brethren — to lay his comfort, reputation and hopes on the 
altar of freedom — exhibits the true martyr spirit, and is 
deserving of a world's sympathy and applause. Such a 
man, in an eminent degree, is Frederick Douglass. 
Abroad, beloved, honored, admitted to the most refined cir- 
cles, and eulogised by the Jerrolds, the Hewitts, and a host 
of Britain's brightest intellects; — at home, not without 
numerous friends and admirers, it is true, yet made the 
object of popular contumely, denied the customary rights 
and privileges of a man, and surrounded by an atmosphere 
of prejudice which is enough to appal the stoutest heart, 
and to depress the most elastic spirit. Such is the difference 
between England and America ! — O what crimes are per- 
petrated under the mask of democratic liberty ! what out- 
rages are consummated under the profession of Christianity ! 

« Fleecy locks and dark complexion 
Cannot forfeit Nature's claim ; 
Skins may differ, but affection 

Dwells in white and black the same.' 

It is a very disgusting fact, that they who cannot tolerate 
the company or presence of educated and refined colored 
men, are quite willing to be surrounded by ignorant and 
imbruted slaves, and never think of objecting to the closest 
contact with them, on account of their complexion ! The 
more of such the better ! Their ' odor ' is more coveted 
than the perfume wafted by ' the gales from Araby, the 
blest' ! It is only as they are free, educated, enlightened, 
that they become a nuisance, between whom and their white 
despisers the broad Atlantic should for ever interpose ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 289 

a Ijinrt Cutnjiism; 

ADAPTED TO ALL PARTS OF THE UNITED STATES. 

1. Why is American slaveholding not in all cases sinful ? 
Because its victims are black. 

2. Why is gradual emancipation right ? 
Because the slaves are black. 

3. Why is immediate emancipation wrong, dangerous, 
impracticable .'' 

Because the slaves are black. 

4. Why ought one-sixth portion of the American popula- 
tion to be exiled from their native soil ? 

Because they are black. 

5. Why would the slaves, if emancipated, cut the throats 
of their masters ? 

Because they are black. 

6. Why are our slaves not fit for freedom ? 
Because they are black. 

7. Why are American slaveholders not thieves, tyrants 
and men-stealers ? 

Because their victims are black. 

8. Why does the Bible justify American slavery ? 
Because its victims are black. 

9. Why ought not the Priest and the Levite, * passing by 
on the other side,' to be sternly rebuked ? 

Because the man who has fallen among thieves, and lies 
weltering in his blood, is black. 

10. Why are abolitionists fanatics, madmen and incen- 
diaries ? 

Because those for whom they plead are black. 

11. Why are they wrong in their principles and mea- 
sures ? 

Because the slaves are black. 
25 



290 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

12. Why is all the prudence, moderation, judiciousness, 
philanthropy, piety, on the side of their opponents ? 

Because the slaves are black. 

13. Why ought not the free discussion of slavery to be 
tolerated ? 

Because its victims are black. 

14. W^hy is Lynch law, as applied to abolitionists, better 
than common law ? 

Because those, whom they seek to emancipate, are black. 

15. Why are the slaves contented and happy ? 
Because they are black. 

16. Why don't they want to be free ? 
Because they are black. 

17. Why are they not created in the image of God ? 
Because they are black. 

18. Why are they not cruelly treated, but enjoy unusual 
comforts and privileges ? 

Because they are black. 

19. Why are they not our brethren and countrymen ? 
Because they are black. 

20. Why is it unconstitutional to plead their cause ? 
Because they are black. 

21. Why is it a violation of the national compact to 
rebuke their masters ? 

Because they are black. 

22. Why will they be lazy, improvident, and worthless, 
if set free ? 

Because they are black. 

23. Why will the whites wish to amalgamate with them 
in a state of freedom ? 

Because they are black. 

24. Why must the Union be dissolved, should Congress 
abolish slavery in the District of Columbia ? 

Because the slaves in that District are black. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 291 

25. Why are abolitionists justly treated as outlaws in one 
half of the Union ? 

Because those whose cause they espouse are black. 

26. Why is slavery ' the corner-stone of our republican 
edifice ' ? 

Because its victims are black. 

27. Why ought the slaves to be obedient to their nnas- 
ters, and never to attempt to emancipate themselves by vio- 
lence ? 

Because they are black. 

28. Why, though reduced to the level of brutes, are they, 
when emancipated, the best qualified to go as missionaries 
to Africa ? 

Because they are black. 

29. Why are the slaveholders the best judges of the time 
and mode of emancipation ? 

Because they, upon whose necks they are standing, are 
black. 

30. Why ought the North to mind its own business, and 
cease interfering with the question of Southern slavery ? 

Because the slaves are black. 

31. Why has the cause of emancipation been ' thrown 
back at least a century ' by the rash intermeddling of the 
abolitionists ? 

Because the victims are black. 

We have thus given thirty-one replies to those who assail 
our principles and measures — that is, one reply, unanswer- 
able and all-comprehensive, to all the cavils, complaints, 
criticisms, objections and difiiculties which swarm in each 
State in the Union, against our holy enterprise. The vic- 
tims arc BLACK ! ' That alters the case ! ' There is not an 
individual in all this country, who is not conscious before 
God, that if the slaves at the South should be to-day mirac- 
ulously transformed into men of white complexion, to-mor- 



292 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

row the abolitionists would be recognised and cheered as 
the best friends of their race ; their principles would be 
eulogised as sound and incontrovertible, and their measures 
as rational and indispensable ! Then, indeed, immediate 
emancipation would be the right of the slaves, and the duty 
of the masters ! 

Is it not so ? Who has ever heard any complaints made 
against those who have denounced Turkish oppression, 
Russian oppression, or the oppression of the mother coun- 
try ' in the times that tried men's souls ' ? Every thing may 
be said and done against those who enslave white men, and 
it is all very proper. But wo to those, who, in relation to 
human rights, will imitate God, and be no respecter of 
men's complexions and persons ! What does all this prove, 
but that the men who are so furiously assailing abolitionists 
and their sacred cause, (making all due allowances for those 
who know not what they do,) are the basest of all hypo- 
crites — the shameless enemies of men on account of their 
color — the libellers of the wisdom and goodness of God in 
the creation of man ? 



In behalf of this large and brilliant assembly — of a 
host of ardent friends and advocates of universal emanci- 
pation, unavoidably absent on this occasion — I proffer to 
you, our honored guest, George Thompson, the strongest 



* Delivered at the Farewell Soiree, in Assembly Hall, Boston, 
June 16, 1851. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 



293 



expressions of personal regard, and the warmest aspirations 
for your health and happiness. 

On the eve of embarking for your native land, after a 
sojourn of more than eight months among us, it will prove 
equally gratifying and instructive to take a brief survey of 
the object and result of your visit to the United States, char- 
acterised, as it has been, by so many anomalous circum- 
stances and remarkable events. 

Your object has been one of disinterested and godlike 
philanthropy — to assist, by all righteous instrumentalities, 
in the extirpation of the most comprehensively cruel and 
detestable system of slavery that ever defied the living God, 
or reduced man to the condition of a brute. In this you 
have shown a regard for the honor, prosperity, perpetuity 
and glory of this republic, deserving of its eternal grati- 
tude, but of which an overwhelming majority of our native 
population seem to be utterly destitute. Instead of being 
inimical to our theory or form of government, or to the 
institutions which generally exist among us, you have con- 
stantly enforced the radical truths which are embodied in 
the Declaration of Independence, and fairly awarded to us 
all that justice and truth warrant. Your single purpose has 
been to exhibit the guilt of man claiming property in man ; 
to open your mouth in the cause of all such as are appointed 
to destruction; to vindicate the right of man to be free; 
and to assert the Fatherhood of God, and the Brotherhood of 
the Human Race. If you have arraigned the political 
parties of the country, or the government itself, or the 
leaders of the people, or the popular religion, it has been 
solely on the ground of their pro-slavery character and 
position. You have raised no other issue; and in no 
instance have you had any respect unto persons, or mani- 
fested any party or sectarian bias, or evinced any foreign 
prejudice or predilection. 
25* 



294 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

You came to us without solicitation, moved by your own 
benevolent and noble impulses, on your own responsibility, 
at your own hazard, representing no organization at home 
or abroad, in the spirit of an apostle, with the fidelity of a 
prophet, with the courage of a martyr. 

On your part, it was no untried experiment. A former 
visit, — never to be forgotten in the history of this slave- 
holding republic, — fully revealed to you the terrible su- 
premacy of the Slave Power over the whole extent of our 
national domains — the insults, outrages, perils, to which 
the uncompromising friend of the slave must be subjected. 
You had ' counted the cost ' once and again. Instead of 
being received as a friend, you knew you would be treated 
as an enemy. All that a venal press and a time-serving 
pulpit could do to make you an object of detestation, you 
anticipated they would do. You came to us with your life 
in your hands ; and it is by the help of God, not by the 
protection of men, that you continue to this day. An 
example of such moral heroism is of more service to the 
world than all the gold of California. 

In a variety of aspects, your visit has been of immense 
service. It has served as a probe to test the comparative 
soundness or corruption of the body politic. It has proved 
that the guilt of this country is colossal, and equalled only 
by its cowardice. Your presence has terrified the nation 
far more than an invading army could have done, because 

' 'T is conscience that makes cowards of them all.' 

Many have been your assailants behind your back, but no 
one has ventured to confront you, face to face. A Clay, 
a Cass, a Dickinson, have not deemed you unworthy 
of their notice, on the floor of the Senate chamber, and have 
done what they could, by their malicious attacks and great 
influence, lo cause your life to be forfeited, if you could not 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 295 

be driven from the country. Cowardice is ever the com- 
panion of ruffianism. Such conduct is a confession of 
guilt. You are but one ; but then you represent that cause, 
in the service of which, ' one can chase a thousand, and two 
put ten thousand to flight.' You are but one ; and yet 
twenty millions of people are disquieted because of your 
sojourn among them. It is not that you are the bravest, 
the strongest, or the most eloquent of men ; they can match 
you in power of persuasion, power of argument, power of 
appeal, in a good cause ; but with the foul, inhuman, detesta- 
ble system of slavery to vindicate on principle, they can do 
nothing better than to call for the suppression of speech, 
and deny the right of investigation. 

Your visit has been warranted by the missionary enter- 
prise from the apostolic age to the present time. If it is 
right to assail idolatry in India, it cannot be wrong to 
denounce slavery in America. If, by foreign interference, 
it is laudable to seek the suppression of cannibalism in New 
Zealand, then, by foreign interference, similarly evinced, it 
is equally praiseworthy to seek the abolition of the traffic in 
human flesh in Carolina or Georgia. The popular objection 
to your course, that you are a foreigner, and therefore have 
no right to meddle with any thing in this country, is alone 
sufficient to stamp with hypocrisy the religious professions 
of the people. Christ is the Universal Reformer. With 
him and his disciples, ' the field is the world.' In him ' there 
is neither Jew nor Gentile, neither Barbarian nor Scythian, 
neither male nor female, neither bond nor free, but all are 
one.' It is his mission to overturn, and overturn, and over- 
turn, — to put down all rule and all authority, — and to break 
in pieces and consume all the kingdoms of the earth. 
Against him are still arrayed ' principalities and powers, 
and spiritual wickedness in high places.' You have vindi- 
cated the universality of Christianity, by asserting and 



296 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

maintaining your right, in the name of Christ, to arraign 
injustice and tyranny wherever they exist in the world. 
Whoever denies that right, or interferes with its freest exer- 
cise, is not a Christian. Whoever taunts another with being 
a foreigner, or seeks to render him odious on account of his 
foreign birth, is not a Christian. No government has a 
right to claim exemption from foreign criticism ; and none 
will claim such exemption, unless it be tainted with corrup- 
tion or stained with blood. It is the natural prerogative of 
every human being to circumnavigate the globe, and inter- 
rogate evil customs, wicked laws, despotic governments, a 
spurious religion, and denounce them, in the name of God 
the Creator, Christ the Redeemer, and Man the Sufferer. It 
may be attended with odium, persecution, and all the terrors 
of martyrdom ; but it is a prerogative none the less inherent 
and sacred. Take it away, and the redemption of the 
world becomes impracticable. ' Go ye into all the world,' — 
not excepting the United States of America, — ' and preach 
the gospel to every creature,' is still a Christian obligation. 

To show that you are desirous that your own country 
should be rebuked for its injustice, as well as the United 
States, I quote your own words, from a lecture delivered by 
you in Manchester, in 1841, in opposition to the Corn 
Laws : — 

* The people of America are fully justified in uttering their loud 
complaints against our present system. They have just ground for 
accusation and recrimination. It is with peculiar appropriateness 
that our friend from America, wearing the complexion of millions 
who are in bondage, appears before us to-night, and tells us, '* if we 
would emancipate the slave, abolish the Corn Laws." I welcome 
THE REBUKES OF AMERICA. If xoe have a free trade in nothing else, 
let us have one in mutual and loholesome reynonstrances. I would that 
every packet that sets sail from the bay of Boston, or New York, 
or the mouth of the Mississippi, should bear over the billows a 
solemn protest and a faithful rebuke, on the subject of our inconsistency 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 297 

ayid our guilt. The monopolists of freedom in the slave States may 
well taunt us with being monopolists of food in our own country, 
When we cry, ** Abolish your slavery ! " they may well cry, 
•• Abolish your Corn Laws ! " When we send them from Lanca- 
shire a memorial praying for mercy to the slave, they may justly 
utter the voice of rebuke, and say, '« Base hypocrites ! keep your 
remonstrance at home ; your cotton smells of blood ! " (Loud 
cheers.) Welcome, then, every voice, every note of warning and 
recrimination. I trust the time is coming when both systems shall 
fall ; when liberty shall be proclaimed in America, and cheap food 
be the portion of our own starving children. Let the cause of food 
and freedom go together. From this time forth, let the Anti-Corn 
Law cause and the Anti-Slavery cause be indissolubly united. 
(Cheers.) They are both founded in justice ; alike, they have 
respect to the happiness and well-being of millions, and to the 
honor of the two great nations whose crying abuses they are 
intended to extirpate. I rejoiced when I heard Mr. Ilemond give 
his solemn pledge, thus publicly, that he would discuss the ques- 
tion of slavery in his own country upon Anti-Corn Law grounds. 
He returns, therefore, to the land of his birth, as our missionary. 
Let him lift up his voice boldly, and it is no uninfluential one ; and 
let him tell his countrymen to give us no peace, until we have sicept away 
our own domestic abomination. And let him tell his countrymen, 
also, that they shall enjoy no rest, until the abomination which 
maketh desolate the plains of the South is exterminated, and there 
breathes not a captive within the limits of their proud republic' 
(Loud cheers.) 

Your visit has helped to redeem Christianity from the stains 
that have been cast upon it, in this country, by its treacher- 
ous professors. They have made it subservient to the most 
infamous purposes. They have taken its sacred mantle, 
and spread it over ' the abomination that maketh desolate.' 
You have exhibited it in its primitive purity, loveliness and 
grandeur, as utterly and eternally opposed to every form of 
oppression. 

Your visit has given a new and powerful impulse to the 
anti-slavery movement, and thus has shortened the period of 



298 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

bondage for the millions who are waiting for deliverance. 
The knowledge of it has been carried to the remotest ham- 
lets : it has shaken the nation. If it has excited afresh the 
fury of the oppressor, it has quickened the zeal of the 
advocate of the oppressed. If it has led, in a few instan- 
ces, to disgraceful disturbances, it has almost uniformly 
been attended with brilliant omens and signal victories. 
Wherever you have had an opportunity to speak for your- 
self, — to vindicate your right to be heard, and the glorious 
cause you have espoused — you have uniformly secured the 
esteem, respect, confidence and assent of your auditors. 
The base attempts of satanic presses to prevent your being 
listened to, have served as a powerful stimulant to public 
curiosity : and the more the people have been told to stay 
away from your meetings, the more they have resolved not 
to do so, but to hear impartially for themselves. The 
understandings you have enlightened, the hearts you have 
affected, the prejudices you have overcome, the obstacles 
you have surmounted, the triumphs you have won, constitute 
an aggregation of influences and results that cannot be 
measured. 

Your visit and labors, though geographical and specific, 
have had a world-wide bearing. Slavery in this republic 
obscures its otherwise glorious characteristics, gives to des- 
potism throughout the globe its most formidable weapon, 
obstructs the progress of freedom universally, strengthens 
every throne, and sanctions every act of governmental usur- 
pation. The oppressed and starving millions in Europe have 
cause to bestow upon you their benediction for what you 
have done here, not less than the millions of chattel slaves 
at the South. Instead of forgetting their claims, you have 
never labored more effectually in their behalf. They will 
never accuse you of being indifferent to their deliverance. 
The accusation comes from those, and those only, who jus- 



WILLIABI LLOYD GARRISON. 299 

tify the enslavement of the colored population in America, 
and care nothing for the degradation of the laboring popula- 
tion of Europe, except as a matter of cant and hypocrisy. 
Such are ever ready to strain at a gnat, while they readily 
swallow ' a whole caravan of camels.' 

We address you in the language of commendation, not 
as a matter of form or in the spirit of flattery, but because 
you have been ' among the faithless, faithful found.' Of 
the tens of thousands of your own countrymen who have 
come to these shores, either as visitors or residents, scarcely 
one in a thousand, whatever his anti-slavery pretensions at 
home, has failed to do homage to the all-prevailing pro- 
slavery sentiment of the land. You have been, here, every 
thing you claimed to be at home ; you have said to our faces 
severer things than you have ever uttered behind our backs ; 
you have despised all threats, rejected all overtures, tram- 
pled on all temptations, spurned all bribes. In this, it is 
true, you have only done your duty ; but, contrasted with 
the cowardly, time-serving course of nearly all who come 
to us from the old world, your conduct is calculated to 
excite the joy of angels and the admiration of all the inflex- 
ibly good in the universe. And for such conduct is the 
award to be given in the day of final account — ' Well done, 
good and faithful servant ! ' 

On your return home, if you are asked, whether the 
American Union will stand or fall in this conflict, answer, it 
is not for you to prophesy. If they ask you, whether 
slavery is destined to be abolished, answer, on the veracity 
of God, Yes ! By the undying wants and irresistible im- 
pulses of nature, Yes ! By the instincts and aspirations of 
the human soul. Yes ! 

♦ The end will come — it will not wait — 
Chains, yokes and scourges have their date; 
Slavery itself shall pass away, 
And be a talc of yesterday ! ' 



300 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Proclaim to the people of England, that as Slavery and 
Christianity were found incompatible together in the West 
India Islands, it is equally true in America, that they are 
utterly irreconcilable ; that as the missionaries were either 
banished from Jamaica or cast into prison, and their chapels 
torn down, so, in the slave States of America, every faithful 
witness for God against slavery is subjected to the Lynch 
code, and compelled to flee for his life ; in the immediate 
presence of the Slave Power, no man can testify against it 
in the name of Christ, without risk of martyrdom. 

Conjure, therefore, all Christian denominations, as one, 
in Great Britain, to renew and multiply their testimonies 
against our gigantic slave system ; to declare that a church 
which sanctions or connives at the existence of chattel 
slavery cannot be the church of Christ, but is apostate in 
spirit and practice ; and to refuse to give the right hand of 
Christian fellowship to those who claim or justify property 
in man. Tell them this is the infidelity, all the infidelity, 
of the American abolitionists. 

And now, in giving you our farewell benediction, we 
cherish the hope that our separation is for a very brief sea- 
son. Come to us again, in the spirit of peace and of lib- 
erty, as the way shall be opened to you by the guidings of 
Providence. Long may your life be preserved, to be the 
terror of tyrants and the hope of the oppressed. The bless- 
ings of those who are perishing are resting upon your 
head : with these are mingled the best wishes and warmest 
aspirations of every true lover of liberty, whose motto is — 

* Patient, firm and persevering — 

God speed the right ! 
Ne'er th' event nor danger fearing — 

God speed the right ! 
Pains, nor toils, nor trials heeding, 
And in Heaven's own time succeeding — 

God speed the right ! ' 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 30 i 



€n K SiBtingtiisjiFi 5lknratc cf ^^nxh 

The conquerors of the earth have had their day — 

Their fame lies weltering in a bloody shroud ; 
As Crime and Desolation haste away, 

So fade their glory and their triumphs proud. 
Great advocate ! a fairer wreath is thine, 

Base Envy cannot soil, nor Time destroy ; 
Thou art enlisted in a cause divine, 

Which yet shall fill all earth and heaven with joy. 
To calm the passions of a hostile world ; 

To make content and happiness increase ; 
In every clime to see that flag unfurled, 

Long since uplifted by the Prince of Peace ; 
This is thy soul's desire, thy being's aim, 
No barrier can impede, no opposition tame. 



How fall Fame's pillars at the touch of Time ! 

How fade, like flowers, the memories of the dead ! 
How vast the grave that swallows up a clime ! 

How dim the light by ancient glory shed ! 
One generation's clay enwraps the next, 

And dead men are the aliment of earth ; 
« Passing away ! ' is Nature's funeral text, 

Uttered coeval with Creation's birth. 
I mourn not, care not, if my humble name. 

With my frail body, perish in the tomb ; 
It courts a heavenly, not an earthly fame, 

That through eternity shall brightly bloom ; — 
Write it within thy Book of Life, O Lord, 
And, in ' the last great day,' a golden crown award ! 

26 



302 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



There are some very worthy men, who are gravely try- 
ing to convince this slaveholding and slave-trading nation, 
that it has an Anti-Slavery Constitution, if it did but know 
it — always has had it since it was a nation — and so design- 
ed it to he from the beginning ! Hence, all slaveholding 

/ under it is illegal, and ought in virtue of it to be forthwith 
abolished by act of Congress. As rationally attempt to con- 
vince the American people that they inhabit the moon, and 
' run upon all fours,' as that they have not intelligently, 
deliberately and purposely entered into a covenant, by 
which three millions of slaves are now held securely in bond- 
age ! They are not to be let off so easily, either by indig- 
nant Heaven or outraged Earth ! To tell them that, for 

y three score years, they have misunderstood and misinter- 
preted their own Constitution, in a manner gross and dis- 
torted beyond any thing known in human history ; that 
Washington, Jefferson, Adams, all who framed that Consti- 

-' tution — the Supreme Court of the United States, and all its 
branches, and all other Courts — the national Congress and 
all State Legislatures — have utterly perverted its scope and 
meaning — is the coolest and absurdest thing ever heard of 

X beneath the stars! No, not thus are they to be allowed to 
escape hot censure and unsparing condemnation. They 
have committed no blunder; they have not erred through 
stupidity ; they have not been misled by any legal sophis- 
try. They are verily guilty of the most atrocious crimes, 
and have sinned against the clearest light ever vouchsafed 
to any people. They have designedly ' framed mischief 
by a law,' and consigned to chains and infamy an inoffensive 
and helpless race. Hence, it is not an error in legal interpre- 
tation that they are to correct, but they are to be arraigned 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 303 

as criminals of the deepest dye, warned of tlic wmlii to 
come, and urged to the immediate confession and abandon- 
ment of this great ' besetting sin.' ' Now, tliercfore, go to, 
speak to the men of Judah, and to the inhabitants of Jerusa- 
lem, saying, Thus saith the Lord, Behold, I frame evil 
against you, and devise a device against you ; return ye 
now every one from his evil way, and make your ways and 
your doings good.' 

Some are unwilling to admit the possibility of legalizing 
slavery, because of its foul and monstrous character. But 
what iniquity may not men commit by agreement ? and 
what obligations so diabolical, that men may not promise to 
perform them to the letter ? To say that men have no right 
to do wrong is a truism ; to intimate that they have not the 
power to do so is an absurdity. If they have the power, it 
is possible for them to use it ; and no where do they use it 
with more alacrity, or on a more gigantic scale, than in the 
United States. 

' To ascertain the meaning of the Constitution,' we are^ 
told, ' we are to subject it, as we do any other law, to the 
strict rules of legal interpretation. It seems to us that this 
statement is extremely fallacious. The Constitution is not a^ 
statute, but a union, a C03IPAct formed between separate 
and independent colonies, with conflicting interests and 
diverse sentiments, to be reconciled in the best manner pos- 
sible, by concession and compromise, for the attainment of 
a common object — their own safety and welfare against a 
common enemy. What those concessions and compromises 
were, all knew when the compact was framed and adopted ; 
they related to the prosecution of the foreign slave trade for 
twenty years, to the allowance of a slave representation in 
Congress, to the hunting of fugitive slaves, and to the suppres- 
sion of domestic insurrections, for the special benefit of the 
slave States ; and to direct taxation and the navigation laws, in 



304 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

behalf of the free States. The Constitution of the United 
States, then, is a form of government, having special pow- 
ers and prerogatives of its own — created under great emer- 
gencies and with peculiar features — unlike any thing in 
ancient or modern times ; a form of government, we reite- 
rate, not a legislative enactment, but under which, and by 
authority of which, laws are to be passed, but never to 
be interpreted to the subversion of the government, or by a 
higher standard ! The people of this country have bound 
^' themselves by an oath to have no other God before them 
than a Constitutional God, which their own hands have 
made, and to which they demand homage of every one born 
or resident on the American soil, on peril of imprisonment 
- or death ! His fiat is ' the supreme law of the land.' 

It is said, that with the intention of the framers of the 
Constitution, we do not need to concern ourselves, ' any 
more than with the intention of the scrivener whom we 
' employ to write the deed of a parcel of land.' We see no 
pertinency in the illustration: the analogy is defective. A 
scrivener employed to write a deed — to write as ordered by 
us — to write according to an approved and established form ; 
in the name of common sense, is he, or his avocation, or 
his deed, or all together, to be compared with a deliberative 
assembly, chosen by popular suffrage, and invested with 
powers to frame a new government, in some shape or other 
endurable, if not every thing desirable ! NoWj historically 
and legally, it is a matter of great moment to know what the 
framers of the Constitution understood and meant by every 
article, section and clause of it ; what they expressed in 
plain and unequivocal language, there being no necessity for 
using any other ; what they embodied in equivocal or collu- 
sive phraseology, to meet a disagreeable necessity ; what 
they implied by circumlocution, to cover up positive wicked- 
ness ; and what they asserted in direct terms. It was given 



WILLIA3I LLOYD GARRISON. 305 

to them to frame the instrument, as, representing conflicting 
interests and opposite parts of the country, they could best 
agree ; but after its adoption, the nation became responsible 
for it, as made in good faith by their authorized representa- 
tives. 

Again it is said, we are to look after the intention of the 
adopters, not that of the framers of the Constitution. We do 
not see that any thing is gained by this distinction. That the 
adopters and framers of that instrument understood its con- 
ditions and requirements in precisely the same manner is 
historically certain ; and especially as to whatever is in it 
relating to slavery and the slave trade. The law of Con- 
gress, providing for the recapture of fugitive slaves, was 
passed almost immediately after the adoption of the Consti- 
tution : who cried out against it as unconstitutional ? When 
Southern representatives of the slave population (on the 
three-fifths basis) first made their appearance in Congress, 
who raised his voice against them in the name of the Con- 
stitution ? The foreign slave traffic was prosecuted under 
our star-spangled banner more vigorously after than before 
the adoption of that instrument : who dreamed of its being 
an illegal trade ? There were at least six hundred thousand 
slaves in the country, at the adoption of the Constitution : 
who thought, believed, or proclaimed, that they were made 
free by it ? If, then, they who adopted it so understood and 
so designed it, how came the slaveholding South to vote for 
it ? and how came it to pass, that, under the ' supreme law 
of the land,' not a single slave thereby became free ? 
When was the will, yes, the very purpose of a people, so 
instantly nullified before ? ' The slave system, it was sup- 
posed, (!) could not extend beyond that generation ' ; but 
though the Constitution demanded its abolition, neither dur- 
ing that generation was it applied, nor has it been at any 
subsequent period, in any other manner than to extend 
26* 



306 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and perpetuate what it was framed to suppress ! All logi- 
cal gravity terminates here in loud and long-protracted 
laughter. 

, But this is not the height of this folly. We are told, that 
it was thought better to let slavery live on in sufferance 
through that generation, at least, than to disturb the infant 
and unconsolidated nation by putting an immediate stop to 
it! So, then, even at that period, an attempt to give the 
slaves the benefit of the Anti-Slavery Constitution aforesaid 
would have convulsed the land, and blown the Union sky 

/ high ! Undoubtedly ; because no such Constitution was 
ever adopted, and for no other reason ! And is any one so 
infatuated as to believe, that what could not be done sixty 
years ago, with only six hundred thousand slaves to be lib- 
erated, without convulsing the country, can now be done 
' by the strict rules of legal interpretation,' in utter disregard 
of all the facts and all the precedents in our national history, 
with fifteen instead of six slave States, and three millions of 
slaves, without filling the land with a deluge of blood ? Sup- 
posing — v.'hat is not within the scope of probabilities — that 
we could win over to their view of the Constitution a major- 
ity, ay, the entire body of the people of the North, so that 

J they could control the action of Congress through their rep- 
resentatives, and in this manner decree the abolition of 
slavery throughout the South — could we hope to witness 

. / even the enactment of such a decree, (to say nothing of its 
enforcement,) without its being accompanied by the most 
fearful consequences } Does any reply, that a fear of conse- 
quences should not deter us from doing right ? This is cheer- 
fully granted : but are these Anti-Slavery interpreters ready 
for a civil war, as the inevitable result of their construction 

Vof the Constitution ? What reason have they to believe, 
from the past, that a civil war would not immediately follow, 
in the case supposed } Why, even a Wilmot proviso is 



I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 307 

shaking this Union to its foundation, so that ' men's hearts 
are failing them for fear.' Where, then, and what is to be 
the Union, under this new constitutional interpretation ? 

Away with all verbal casuistry, all legal quibbling, the idle 
parade of Lord Mansfield's decision in the case of Somerset, 
the useless appeals to Blackstone's Commentaries, and the 
like, to prove that the United States Constitution is an Anti- 
Slavery instrument ! It is worse than labor lost, and, as a 
false issue, cannot advance, but must rather retard, the Anti- 
Slavery movement. Let there be no dodging, no shuffling, 
no evasion. Let us confess the sin of our fathers, and our 
own sin as a people, in conspiring for the degradation and 
enslavement of the colored race among us. Let us be 
honest with the facts of history, and acknowledge the com- 
promises that were made to secure the adoption of the 
Constitution, and the consequent establishment of the Union. 
Let us, who profess to abhor slavery, and who claim to be 
freemen indeed, dissolve the bands that connect us with the 
Slave Power, religiously and poUtically ; not doubting that a 
faithful adherence to principle will be the wisest policy, the 
highest expediency, for ourselves and our posterity, for the 
miserable victims of Southern oppression, and for the cause 
of liberty throughout the world. 

We regard this as indeed a solemn crisis, which requires 
of every man sobriety of thought, prophetic forecast, inde- 
pendent judgment, invincible determination, and a sound 
heart. A revolutionary step is one that should not be taken 
hastily, nor followed under the influence of impulsive imita- 
tion. To know what spirits they are of — whether they 
have counted the cost of the warfare — what are the princi- 
ples they advocate — and how they are to achieve their 
object — is the first duty of revolutionists. 

But, while circumspection and prudence arc excellent 
qualities in every great emergency, they become the allies 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

of tyranny whenever they restrain prompt, bold and decisive 
action against it. 

We charge upon the present national compact, that it was 
formed at the expense of human liberty, by a profligate sur- 
render of principle, and to this hour is cemented with human 
blood. 

We charge upon the American Constitution, that it con- 
tains provisions, and enjoins duties, which make it unlawful 
for freemen to take the oath of allegiance to it, because they 
are expressly designed to favor a slaveholding oligarchy, 
and, consequently, to make one portion of the people a prey 
to another. 

It was pleaded at the time of its adoption, it is pleaded 
now, that, without such a compromise, there could have been 
no union ; that, without union, the colonies would have 
become an easy prey to the mother country ; and, hence, 
that it was an act of necessity, deplorable indeed when 
viewed alone, but absolutely indispensable to the safety of 
the republic. 

To this we reply : The plea is as profligate as the act 
was tyrannical. It is the Jesuitical doctrine, that the end 
sanctifies the means. It is a confession of sin, but the denial 
of any guilt in its perpetration. This plea is sufficiently 
broad to cover all the oppression and villany that the sun 
has witnessed in his circuit, since God said, ' Let there be 
light.' It assumes that to be practicable which is impossi- 
ble, namely, that there can be freedom with slavery, union 
with injustice, and safety with bloodguiltiness. A union of 
virtue with pollution is the triumph of licentiousness. A 
partnership between right and wrong is wholly wrong. 
A compromise of the principles of justice is the deification 
of crime. 

Better that the American Union had never been formed, 
than that it should have been obtained at such a frightful 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 309 

cost ! If they were guilty who fashioned it, but who couUl ^ 
not foresee all its frightful consequences, how much more 
guilty are they, who, in full view of all that has resulted 
from it, clamor for hs perpetuity ! If it was sinful at the 
commencement to adopt it, on the ground of escaping a 
greater evil, is it not equally sinful to swear to support it for 
the same reason, or until, in process of time, it be purged 
from its corruption ? 

The fact is, the compromise alluded to, instead of effect- 
ing a union, rendered it impracticable ; unless by the term 
union we are to understand the absolute reign of the slave- 
holding power over the whole country, to the prostration of 
Northern rights. It is not certain, it is not even probable, 
that if the present Constitution had not been adopted, the 
mother country would have reconquered the colonics. The 
spirit that would have chosen danger in preference to crime, 
to perish with justice rather than live with dishonor, to dare 
and suffer whatever might betide, rather than sacrifice the 
rights of one human being, could never have been subjugat- 
ed by any mortal power. Surely, it is paying a poor tribute 
to the valor and devotion of our revolutionary fathers in the 
cause of liberty, to say that, if they had sternly refused to 
sacrifice their principles, they would have fallen an easy prey 
to the despotic power of England. 

To the argument, that the words ' slaves ' and ' slavery ' ' 
are not to be found in the Constitution, and therefore that it 
was never intended to give any protection or countenance to 
the slave system, it is sufficient to reply, that though no such ^ 
words are contained in the instrument, other words were 
used, intelligently and specifically, to meet the necessities of 
slavery ; and that these were adopted in good faith, to be 
observed until a constitutional change could be effected.- 
On this point, as to the design of certain provisions, no intel- 
ligent man can honestlv entertain a doubt. If it be objected, 



310 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

that though these provisions were meant to cover slavery, yet, 
as they can fairly be interpreted to mean something exactly 
the reverse, it is allowable to give to them such an interpre- 
tation, especially as the cause of freedom will thereby be 
promoted — we reply, that this is to advocate fraud and 
violence toward one of the contracting parlies, whose co- 
operation was secured only by an express agreement and 
understanding between them both, in regard to the clauses 
alluded to; and that such a construction, if enforced by 
pains and penalties, would unquestionably lead to a civil war, 
in which the aggrieved party would justly claim to have been 
betrayed, and robbed of their constitutional rights. 

Again, if it be said, that those clauses, being immoral, are 
null and void — we reply, it is true they are not to be observ- 
ed ; but it is also true, that they are portions of an instru- 
ment, the support of which, as a whole, is required by oath 
or affirmation ; and, therefore, because they are immoral, 
and because of this obligation to enforce immorality, no one 
/ can innocently swear to support the Constitution. 

Again, if it be objected, that the Constitution was formed 
by the people of the United States, in order to establish jus- 
tice, to promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings 
of liberty to themselves and their posterity ; and, therefore, 
it is to be so construed as to harmonize with these objects ; 
we reply, again, that its language is not to be interpreted in 
a sense which neither of the contracting parties understood, 
and which would frustrate every design of their alliance — 
to wit, union at the expense of the colored population of the 
country. Moreover, nothing is more certain than that the 
preamble alluded to never included, in the minds of those 
who framed it, those who were then pining in bondage — for, 
in that case, a general emancipation of the slaves would 
have instantly been proclaimed throughout the United States. 
The words, ' secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 311 

our posterity,' assuredly did not mean to include the slave 
population. ' To promote the general welfare,' referred to 
their own welfare exclusively. ' To establish justice,' was 
understood to be for their sole benefit as slaveholders, and 
the guilty abettors of slavery. This is demonstrated by 
other parts of the same instrument, and by their own prac- 
tice under it. 

We would not detract aught from what is justly their due ; 
but it is as reprehensible to give them credit for what they 
did not possess, as it is to rob them of what is theirs. It is ^ 
absurd, it is false, it is an insult to the common sense of 
mankind, to pretend that the Constitution was intended to 
embrace the entire population of the country under its shel- 
tering wings ; or that the parties to it were actuated by a '^ 
sense of justice and the spirit of impa^ial liberty ; or that it 
needs no alteration, but only a new interpretation, to make 
it harmonize with the object aimed at by its adoption. As '' 
truly might it be argued, that because it is asserted in the 
Declaration of Independence, that all men are created equal, 
and endowed with an inalienable right to liberty, therefore 
none of its signers were slaveholders, and since its adoption 
slavery has been banished from the American soil ! The ^ 
truth is, our fathers were intent on securing liberty to them- 
selves, without being very scrupulous as to the means they ' 
used to accomplish their purpose. They were not actuated ^ 
by the spirit of universal philanthropy ; and though in 
words they recognised occasionally the brotherhood of the 
human race, in practice they continually denied it. They 
did not blush to enslave a portion of their fellow-men, and to 
buy and sell them as cattle in the market, while they were 
fighting against the oppression of the mother country, and 
boasting of their regard for the rights of man. Why, then, 
concede to them virtues which they did not possess ? \\'hy 



312 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

cling to the falsehood, that they were no respecters of per- 
sons in the formation of the government ? 

Alas ! that they had no more fear of God, no more regard 
for man, in their hearts ! ' The iniquity of the house of 
Israel and Judah (the North and South) is exceeding great, 
and the land is full of blood, and the city full of perverse- 
ness ; for they say, the Lord hath forsaken the earth, and 
the Lord seeth not.' 

If, in utter disregard of all historical facts, it is still 
asserted, that the Constitution needs no amendment to make 
it a free instrument, adapted to all the exigencies of a free 
people, and was never intended to give any strength or coun- 
tenance to the slave system — the indignant spirit of insulted 
Liberty replies : — ' What though ihe assertion be true ? Of 
what avail is a mere piece of parchment ? In itself, though 
it be written all over with words of truth and freedom — 
though its provisions be as impartial and just as words can 
express, or the imagination paint — though it be as pure as 
the gospel, and breathe only the spirit of Heaven — it is 
powerless ; it has no executive vitality ; it is a lifeless corpse, 
even though beautiful in death. I am famishing for lack of 
\/ bread ! How is my appetite relieved by holding up to my 
gaze a painted loaf.? I am manacled, wounded, bleeding, 
dying ! What consolation is it to know, that they who are 
seeking to destroy my life, profess in words to be my 
friends ? If the liberties of the people have been betray- 
ed — if judgment has been turned away backward, and jus- 
tice standeth afar off, and truth has fallen in the streets, and 
equity cannot enter — if the princes of the land are roar- 
ing lions, the judges evening wolves, the people light and 
treacherous persons, the priests covered with pollution — if 
we are living under a frightful despotism, which scoffs at all 
constitutional restraints, and wields the resources of the 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 313 

nation to promote its own bloody purposes — tell us not that 
the forms of freedom are still left to us ! ' Would such 
tameness and submission have freighted the May Flower 
for Plymouth Rock ? Would it have resisted the Stamp 
Act, the Tea Tax, or any of those entering wedges of tyran- 
ny with which the British government sought to rive the 
liberties of America ? The wheel of the Revolution would 
have rusted on its axle, if a spirit so weak had been the 
only power to give it motion. Did our fathers say, when 
their rights and liberties were infringed — "Why, what is 
done cannot be undone ! That is the first thought ! " No, it 
was the last thing they thought of: or, rather, it never 
entered their minds at all. They sprang to the conclusion 
at once — " What is done shall be undone ! That is our first 
and only thought ! " ' 

* Is water running in our veins ? Do we remember still 
Old Plymouth Rock, and Lexington, and famous Bunker Hill ? 
The debt we owe our fathers' graves ? and to the yet unborn, 
Whose heritage ourselves must make a thing of pride or scorn ? 

Gray Plymouth Rock hath yet a tongue, and Concord is not dumb ;.- 
And voices from our fathers' graves and from the future come : 
They call on us to stand our ground — they charge us still to be 
Not only free from chains ourselves, but foremost to make free !.' 

It is of little consequence who is on the throne, if there 
be behind it a power mightier than the throne. It matters 
not what is the theory of the government, if the practice of 
the government be unjust and tyrannical. We rise in rebel- 
lion against a despotism incomparably more dreadful than 
that which induced the colonists to take up arms against the 
mother country ; not on account of a three-penny tax on 
tea, but because fetters of living iron are fastened on the 
limbs of millions of our countrymen, and our most sacred 
rights are trampled in the dust. As citizens of the State, we 
27 



314 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

appeal to the State in vain for protection and redress. As 
citizens of the United States, we are treated as outlaws in 
one half of the country, and the national government con- 
sents to our destruction. We are denied the right of loco- 
motion, freedom of speech, the right of petition, the liberty 
of the press, the right peaceably to assemble together to 
protest against oppression and plead for liberty — at least, in 
fifteen States of the Union. If we venture, as avowed 
and unflinching abolitionists, to travel South of Mason and 
Dixon's line, we do so at the peril of our lives. If we 
would escape torture and death, on visiting any of the slave 
States, we must stifle our conscientious convictions, bear no 
testimony against cruelty and tyranny, suppress the strug- 
gling emotions of humanity, divest ourselves of all letters 
and papers of an anti-slavery character, and do homage to 
the slaveholding power — or run the risk of a cruel martyr- 
dom ! These are appalling and undeniable facts. 

Three millions of the American people are crushed under 
the American Union ! They are held as slaves, trafficked 
as merchandise, registered as goods and chattels ! The 
government gives them no protection — the government is 
their enemy, the government keeps them in chains ! Where 
they lie bleeding, we are prostrate by their side — in their 
sorrows and sufferings we participate — their stripes are 
inflicted on our bodies, their shackles are fastened on our 
limbs, their cause is ours ! The Union which grinds them 
to the dust rests upon us, and with them we will struggle to 
overthrow it! The Constitution which subjects them to 
hopeless bondage is one that we cannot swear to support. 
Our motto is, ' No Union with Slaveholders,' either 
religious or political. They are the fiercest enemies of man- 
kind, and the bitterest foes of God ! We separate from 
them, not in anger, not in malice, not for a selfish purpose, 
not to do them an injury, not to cease warning, exhorting. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 315 

reproving them for their crimes, not 1o leave the perishing 
bondman to his fate — O no! But to clear our skirts of 
innocent blood — to give the oppressor no countenance — 
and to hasten the downfall of slavery in America, and ^ 
throughout the world ! 

Do you ask what can be done if you abandon the ballot- 
box ? What did the crucified Nazarene do without the 
elective franchise ? What did the apostles do ? What did 
the glorious army of martyrs and confessors do ? What 
did Luther and his intrepid associates do ? 

'It thou must stand alono, what tlicn ? The honor shall be more ! 
But thou canst never stand alone while Heaven still arches o'er — 
"While tliere's a God to worship, a devil to be denied — 
The good and true of every age stand with thee, side by side ! ' 

The form of government that shall succeed the present 
government of the United States, let time determine. It 
would be a waste of time to argue that question, until the 
people are regenerated and turned from their iniquity. Ours 
is no anarchical movement, but one of order and obedience. 
In ceasing from oppression, we establish liberty. What is 
now fragmentary shall in due time be crystalized, and shine 
like a gem set in the heavens, for a light to all coming ages. 



* • When the powers of government came to be delegated to the 
Union, the South — that is, South Carolina and Georgia — refused 
their subscription to the parchment, till it should be saturated with 
the infection of slavery, which no fumigation could purify, no quar- 
antine could extinguish. The freemen of the North gave way, and 
the deadly venom of slavery was infused into the Constitution of 
freedom. Its first consequence has been to invert the first principle 
of Democracy, that the will of tlie majority of numbers shall rule 
the land. Ey means of the double representation, the minority 
command the whole, and a knot of slaveholders give the law and 
prescribe the policy of the country.' — John Qlincy Adams. 



316 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



jlB '(£r in mill; of Jfiitlnm 

God speed the year of jubilee, 

The wide world o'er ! 
When from their galling chains set free, 
Th' oppressed shall vilely bend the knee, 
And wear the yoke of tyranny, 

Like brutes, no more : — 
That teak will come, and Freedom's reign 
To man his plundered rights again 

Restore. 

God speed the day when human blood 

Shall cease to flow ! 
In every clime be understood 
The claims of human brotherhood, 
And each return for evil, good — 

Not blow for blow : — 
That day will come, all feuds to end, 
And change into a faithful friend 

Each foe. 

God speed the hour, the glorious hour, 

When none on earth 
Shall exercise a lordly power. 
Nor in a tyrant's presence cower, 
But all to Manhood's stature tower, 

By equal birth ! — 
That hour will come, to each, to all, 
And from his prison-house the thrall 

Go forth. 

Until that year, day, hour arrive, — 

If life be given, — 
With head and heart and hand I'll strive 
To break the rod, and rend the gyve, — 
The spoiler of his prey deprive, — 

So witness Heaven ! 
And never from my chosen post, 
Whate'er the peril or the cost, 

Be driven. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 317 



It is the strength and glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that 
its principles are so simple and elementary, and yet so vital 
to freedom, morality and religion, as to commend themselves 
to the understandings and consciences of men of every sect 
and party, every creed and persuasion, every caste and color. 
They are self-evident truths — fixed stars in the moral firma- 
ment — blazing suns in the great universe of mind, dispens- 
ing light and heat over the whole surface of humanhy, and 
around which all social and moral affinities revolve in har- 
mony. They are to be denied, only as the existence of a 
God, or the immortality of the soul, is denied. Unlike 
human theories, they can never lead astray ; unlike human 
devices, they can never be made subservient to ambition or 
selfishness. When Jesus gave this rule of action to a Jew- 
ish lawyer, who interrogated him, ' Thou shalt love thy 
neighbor as thyself,' and illustrated its meaning by the case 
of the man fallen among thieves, aided by one with whom 
he was at mortal variance because of sectarian and national 
antipathies, the Great Teacher evidently intended to incul- 
cate this among other truths, that all men are bound to rally 
upon the broad ground of a common humanity, to succor 
the distressed, without reference to the caste, the creed, the 
country, or the name of the sufferer; — or, in other words, 
that when a victim of robbers lies weltering in his blood, he 
only is ' neighbor to him,' who pours wine and oil into his 
wounds, forgetful of all other considerations ; while he who 
passes by on the other side docs but act the priest and the 
Levite. We repeat it, therefore, that it is the strength and 
glory of the Anti-Slavery cause, that men of all sects not 
only ought to unite, but are united in one common phalanx, 
to break every yoke, and let the oppressed go free. ^Vhy 
*27» 



318 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

should it not be so ? It is a reproach to the name of Chris- 
tianity, that while its professors, however widely differing in 
their religious or political sentiments, eagerly associate 
together for the purpose of money-getting — to establish 
banks, build railroads, dig canals, and erect manufactories — 
they are slow, almost reluctant, to give each other the right 
hand of fellowship in carrying on an enterprise of mercy. 
When they themselves are thirsty, they ask not who it is 
that proffers them a cup of cold water ; when they are 
oppressed, they care not who it is that breaks their fetters ; 
when they are threatened with death, they demand not in a 
cavilling spirit, who it is that comes to their rescue. When 
the mother country attempted to bind the chains of civil des- 
potism upon the limbs of our fathers, how ineffectual would 
have been their struggle for emancipation, if they had stood 
aloof from each other on account of sectarian or political 
disagreements, and refused to cooperate en masse for a com- 
mon object, to effect a common deliverance ! Would the 
war have been finished in seven years ? Would it not have 
been ended, disastrously, in less than seven months? If 
each religious sect, if each political parly, had resolved to 
prosecute the war per se, in an invidious and antagonistical 
form, would England have lost the brightest gem that was 
ever set in her regal crown ? Never. And what were they 
styled, who, in those ' times that tried men's souls,' for any 
pretext whatever, refused to stand shoulder to shoulder in 
breasting the tide of British despotism? Tories — traitors 
to their country — the enemies of liberty. Why were they 
bound to forget their creeds and their names, and to throw 
themselves, as one man, into ' the imminent deadly breach,' 
for the preservation of their liberty ? First, because it was 
a common good which was to be secured ; secondly, because 
it was a common ground to be occupied by all who were 
not willing to wear the yoke of bondage ; thirdly, because 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 319 

disunion would have been inevitable defeat ; and lastly, and 
for the all-conclusive reason, that all sects and parties in 
England, the government, the people, were united together 
for the subjugation of the colonies, and nothing but a similar 
union of the people of the colonies could have procured their 
independence. 

The moral conflict now waging against American slavery 
is, in many of its aspects, a parallel case. Its object, like 
the love of God, consults the happiness of all men : it is a 
common one, in which all sects and all parties have an 
equal, the deepest interest. The ground on which it is 
fought is a common one, broad enough to contain all who 
would occupy it. Disunion in the ranks is defeat — no true 
friend to the cause will seek to foment it. Those who refuse 
to enlist, because they are not agreed upon other and minor 
points with the gallant band who are struggling against the 
opposing hosts of despotism — what are they.'' Are they 
the friends of emancipation ? No. What are they ? Neu- 
trals ? Neutrality in such a struggle is the abhorrence of 
God, and active rebellion against his government. The 
Moloch of slavery finds worshippers and defenders among 
all classes of society throughout the land ; and it is to be 
remarked — it is a fact too alarming and too important to be 
forgotten, that, wherever they are, at the East or West, the 
North or South — whatever the party they espouse, or to 
whatever denomination they belong, their sympathies, feel- 
ings, interests, opinions, blend together like the drops of 
the ocean, to sink the victims of oppression beyond the 
fathom line of humanity. Their language is one ; their 
shibboleth the same ; their grand hailing sign of distress the 
same ; their grip and knock the same. In their spirit, they 
are alike ; in their purpose, identical ; in their fellowship, 
undivided. Upon almost every other subject, they difTer 
wide as the poles asunder; but upon the duty of paying 



320 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



homage to the bloody idol set up in our land, their agree- 
ment is perfect. Are the children of this world to be always 
wiser than the children of light ? If Episcopalians, Metho- 
dists, Baptists, Presbyterians, Unitarians, &c. &c., are joined 
hand to hand, and heart to heart, in earnest defence of sla- 
very ; if they associate together, plot together, co-operate 
together, to uphold that execrable system ; shall not, may 
not, cannot members of the same religious persuasions, who 
desire the utter extirpation of slavery, and will not bow down 
to the image of Baal, nor pass through the fire to Moloch, 
be as united, as forgetful of their other variances, as ready 
to act in concert ? If the friends and the opponents of the 
national administration are found in the same phalanx, fight- 
ing in defence of the worst oppressors ; shall they not 
also be found leagued together for the rescue of the oppress- 
ed ? When the standard of Humanity is unfurled to the 
breeze, in the sunshine of heaven, who that is created in 
the image of God, who that is human, wdll not rally under 
its folds'? Let us suppose a case. In the progress of the 
revolutionary struggle, there were many dark periods, when 
the cause of liberty seemed to be at its last gasp ; when its 
champions began to fear, that the night of despotism must 
inevitably settle over the land, with no hope that there would 
ever be another dawn of Freedom's day. Let us suppose, 
that, in the darkest hour, when Washington and his bare- 
footed followers, in the midst of winter, were retreating 
before their victorious enemy, and tracking their snowy 
path with blood, some of them had suddenly thrown down 
their arms, and declared that they could no longer be asso- 
ciated with men whose religious or political creed difTered 
from their own, or who refused to subscribe to any creed. 
Suppose they had attempted to seduce others from the cause, 
by inflaming their suspicions and alienating their affections, 
by artful appeals and slanderous representations. Suppose 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 



321 



they had tried to cut off the supplies which were sent to 
enable the tried and faithful few to carry on the war, until 
victory perched upon their standard, or the last drop of 
blood had oozed from their veins. And suppose that these 
factious individuals had boasted of their patriotism, and 
professed that they were actuated by love of country, and 
gave as one reason for their mutinous conduct, that, m with- 
drawing themselves from the army, they believed they 
should be able to do more execution, inasmuch as a large 
portion of the enemy coincided with them in religious pro- 
fession, and would certainly be more willing to be shot down 
or taken captive by them, than by those who held to a dif- 
ferent creed. What would have been thought, what said of 
conduct like this? Would not the whole world, civilized 
and savage, have cried out, ' Shame ! shame ! ' But sup- 
pose, in addition to all this, that they had eulogized the con- 
duct of those torics, who had refused to join the Httle patriotic 
army, as ' men who had a quick sense of propriety, and 
were not willing to be identified with their movements;' 
whose hearts bled for the oppressed colonists, but who were 
beaten off from active exertion in their behalf, in conse- 
quence of the character and measures of those who were 
carrying on the war. Suppose they had declared, that their 
feelings had often been exceedingly pained by the abuse 
which was heaped upon tory ministers and other excellent 
tory Christians, who did not feel prepared to enter fully into 
the efforts of the revolutionists. Suppose, further, they had 
carried on a secret correspondence with the disaffected in 
various parts of the land, as well as made their appeals to 
them in public, urging them to come forward in a body, take 
the cause into their own hands, and carry it on in a manner 
to suit themselves. Suppose, finally, that, in view of this 
mutiny, shouts should be heard in all the enemy's camps, 
rendincT the very heavens with their exultation. In what 



322 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

light would the conduct of those disorganizers have appear- 
ed to the friends of American Hberty throughout the world ? 
As dictated by a superior regard, a more holy concern for 
the success of the Right ? Impossible. Nay, they would 
have been viewed, despite all their flaming professions of 
attachment to the cause, as recreant to it. 

This supposition will serve to illustrate a similar defec- 
tion which has taken place in the Anti-Slavery ranks, in this 
Commonwealth, and in other parts of the country, during 
the past year, through clerical chicanery and the spirit of 
sectarian narrowness ; yet pretending to be animated by the 
deepest solicitude for the integrity and welfare of our great 
movement. 

****** 
Whilst we should watchfully see to it, that nothing of 

^ human passion, or personal hatred, or sectarian bitterness, 
or party policy, enters into our feelings in assailing the 
execrable system of American slavery, and in rebuking 
the transcendent wickedness of American slaveholders, we 
should be equally on our guard not to give heed to the sug- 

^gestions of a false charity, or to dilute the pure word of 
liberty. Let our single purpose be — regardless whom it 
may please or offend among men — to speak the truth of 
God in its simplicity and power — not to conceal danger, or 
gild over crime, or screen the wrong-doer. It is not light 

^ that is needed on this subject, so much as a heart of flesh. 
While the chains of millions of our enslaved countrymen 
are clanking in our ears, and their cries are piercing the 
heavens, and we know that their bodies and spirits (which 
are God's) are daily sold under the hammer of the auctioneer 
as household goods or working cattle, we need no nice 
adjustment of abstractions, no metaphysical reasonings, to 
convince us that such scenes are dreadful, and such practices 
impious. All the nobility of our manhood, all that is nature 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 323 

within ns, all the instincts and faculties of our souls, settle 
the question instantly. With the indignation that fired the 
bosom of a Brougham, each of us exclaims — ' Tell me not 
of rights ! talk not of the property of the planter in his 
slaves ! I deny the right, I acknowledge not the property ! 
The principles, the feelings of our nature rise in rebellion 
against it. Be the appeal made to the understanding or the 
heart, the sentence is the same that rejects it.' O, the 
odious inconsistency of the American people ! When the 
iron heel of Turkish despotism was planted upon the necks 
of the Greeks ; when the Autocrat of Russia was sending 
his barbarian hordes to conquer the unconquerable Poles ; 
when the incensed populace of Paris contended for the 
space of three days with the National Guards, and drove 
Charles the Tenth from his throne ; when the news of the 
passage of the Stamp Act, and the tax on tea, by the mother 
country, was received by our fathers, and insurrections for 
liberty broke out in all parts of the colonies ; when, at a 
subsequent period, the tidings came that American citizens 
had been captured by the Algerines, and were pining in 
bondage ; when, at a still later period, the rights of Ameri- 
can seamen ceased to be respected by Great Britain, and 
some six or seven thousand were said to have been impress- 
ed ; on each and on all of those memorable occasions, no 
denunciation against the oppressors was regarded as too 
strong, no impeachment of motives too sweeping, no agita- 
tion too great, no zeal too burning, no sacrifice too dear, no 
peril too imminent to be encountered. O, no ! Then weak- 
ness became strength ; prudence, noble daring ; moderation, 
impetuosity ; caution, a generous disdain of consequences 
charity, righteous indignation ! Then the cold blood 
philosophy, congealed by icy frigidness, was changed into 
the warm fluid of patriotic life ; then the abstractions of 
metaphysics became practical realities, affecting life, liberty, 



324 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and the pursuit of happiness ; then haUing expediency was 
transformed into high, immutable, eternal principle. Then 
the man, who, at such a crisis, had dared to mock the agony 
of men's minds, and to insult their understandings, by giving 
ihem grave and severe homilies upon the duty of being cau- 
tious, and prudent, and charitable, and upon the propriet)'" 
of excrcisinsr moderation and beincr dumb — such a man 
would have been deemed and treated as recreant to God and 
liberty. Then the land trembled as Freedom went forth to 
battle. Then words, however huge, expostulations, however 
earnest, petitions, however importunate, assertions of rights, 
however bold and uncompromising in language, were deem- 
ed wholly inadequate to such a crisis. Paving-stones in the 
streets were taken up, and hurled at the heads of the myr- 
midons of tyranny ; human blood was poured out like water, 
and the dead bodies of the friends and foes of liberty were 
piled up in hecatombs round about. Then the press spoke 
out in thunder-tones — the public halls and churches rang 
with the shouts of victory, or resounded with heart-stirring 
appeals to arms ; and even * ministers of the gospel ' felt 
that, in a strife for the rights of man, carnal weapons were 
not less efficacious than spiritual weapons, and hence it is 
recorded that some of them carried loaded muskets into the 
pulpit on the Sabbath day. Now, we do not say that all 
this conduct was justifiable — God forbid ! We have not so 
learned duty. But, in the name of justice and mercy, we 
protest against being condemned for our zeal or language, 
our principles or measures, by the men who eulogize such 
deeds and such excitements as we have just recited. The 
only lesson they can teach us is, that our zeal is tame, our 
sensibility obtuse, our language weak, our self-sacrifice noth- 
ing, compared to the wrongs to be redressed, the evils to be 
overcome. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 325 

I. 

If unto marble statues thou hadst spoken, 

Or icy hearts congealed by polar years, 
The strength of thy pure eloquence had broken — 

Its generous heat had melted them to tears ; 
"Which pearly drops had been a rainbow token, 

Bidding the red men sooth their gloomy fears. 

II. 

If Honor, Justice, Truth, had not forsaken 

The place once hallowed as their bright abode. 

The faith of Treaties never had been shaken. 

Our country would have kept the trust she owed ; 

Nor Violence nor Treachery had taken 

Away those rights which Nature's God bestowed. 

III. 

Fruitless thy mighty efforts — vain appealing 

To grasping Avarice, that ne'er relents ; 
To Party Power, that shamelessly is stealing. 

Banditti-like, whatever spoil it scents ; 
To base Intrigue, his cloven foot revealing, 

That struts in Honesty's habiliments. 

It. 

Our land, once green as Paradise, is hoary. 
E'en in its youth, with tyranny and crime ; 

Its soil with blood of Afric's sons is gory. 
Whose wrongs Eternity can tell — not Time ; 

The red man's woes shall swell the damning story, 
To be rehearsed in every age and clime ! 
28 



326 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



* Jehovah hath triumphed — his people are free ! ' ' Alle- 
luia ! for the Lord God omnipotent reigneth ! ' Such is the 
choral song of praise thundering heavenward, this day, from 
millions of voices in the islands of the sea, and on the shores 
of Great Britain, in view of the most wonderful transition, 
the most sublime achievement, and the noblest experiment, 
recorded in the world's history. Of all lands, (excepting, 
indeed, the emancipated colonies,) our own republic should 
be the most joyfully affected, and present the most animat- 
ing spectacle, from its eastern extremity to its last great 
western barrier — from its chainless lakes to the topmost 
height of the Rocky Mountains ; for the trump of jubilee is 
sounding across the waters, above the roar of the Atlantic, 
giving freedom to half a million of slaves, and elevating 
them from among cattle and creeping things to the privi- 
leges and rights of an immortal existence ! And so it would, 
if it were not a republic of tyrants and slaves — if it were 
not basely recreant to all its professions — if it recognized 
man as man universally. Of all people, (excepting, again, 
the mighty host who only last night lay entombed in the 
cold, damp sepulchre of slavery, but at the earliest dawn of 
day obtained a glorious resurrection,) the American people 
.should be foremost in celebrating the brightest triumph of 
humanity since man began to oppress his brother. And so 
they would, if they were true worshippers at the shrine of 
freedom — if their hands were not red with innocent blood — 
if they were not actually preying upon their own species. 
Never were their inconsistency, their hypocrisy, their hard- 
heartedness, so apparent, as on this very day. In the West 
India islands, slavery has been totally and for ever abol- 
ished ! Yet the people of the United States, (excepting a 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 327 

portion of ihem who are branded as fanatics and madmen,) 
not only feel no delight in view of this fact, but are abso- 
lutely offended at the experiment ; nay, they hope it will 
prove an utter failure ! And why ? Simply because the 
victims, who have been released from thraldom, wear a skin 
' not colored like their own ; ' and because they dread to be 
left without excuse for their oppressive conduct. O, if this 
day had been set apart for the restoration of the Poles to 
their civil and political rights, so cruelly wrested from them 
by the strong arm of Russia, this country would now be 
rocking ' from side to side ' with excitement ! But the 
peaceful emancipation of five hundred thousand descend- 
ants of Africa, not merely from civil disabilities, but from 
the most horrible servitude ever borne by any people — from 
all that is beastly in rank and treatment, and all that is ter- 
rible in irresponsible power — this is an event in which free, 
republican. Christian Americans feel no joy, and evince no 
interest ! In honor of it, they will not fire a single gun, nor 
hoist a single flag, nor ring a single^ bell. They leave it to 
the subjects of a monarchical government, to ' agitators,' 
' incendiaries,', and ' madmen,' to ' free negroes,' to exult 
over it ! O, I blush for my country, to think that an occur- 
rence which is filling all heaven with gladness, excites not a 
throb in her obdurate heart. But how can she participate in 
the general festivity, while she is actively engaged in forg- 
ing chains for the limbs of millions of her own children ? 
The loudest in her boasts of liberty, she is the vilest of hyp- 
ocrites and the worst of oppressors. Let her be clothed in 
sackcloth and ashes; let her brow and her lips be prostrate 
in the dust, for shame and confusion of face ; and let her 
be the scorn of the earth, until she ceases to plunder the 
poor and defenceless, and to turn away the stranger from 
his right. 

The event we are assembled to commemorate cannot bo 



328 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

overrated in importance, *nor adequately described in any 
human dialect. Its altitude exceeds the highest flight of 
the imagination ; its circumference cannot be measured by 
human calculation ; its ramifications extend through time 
into eternity. It has terminated such an amount of human 
suffering, effaced such frightful stains of blood, healed up so 
many wounds, rolled back such a tide of licentiousness, 
opened so many fountains of happiness, poured such a light 
upon the darkness of ages, rescued so many victims from 
destruction, brought such glory to God, and removed such 
mountainous obstacles out of the path of the gospel of 
Christ, that neither men nor angels can compute the aggre- 
gate of blessings bestowed, or of horrors dispersed, by the 
extinction of West India slavery. It makes set phrases of 
speech, and formal attempts at description, seem almost con- 
temptible. Words are for the common transactions of life, 
but not for an occasion like this. I tremble to proceed. 
The subject should have been committed to some master- 
mind, capable of doing something like justice to it. But 
what am I, in my poverty of speech, and my tediousness of 
manner, and my feebleness of mind, that I should adventure 
to grapple with it, or ' soar to the height of this great argu- 
ment ' ? I speak, because the loftiest intellects in the land 
•are dumb. A question of dollars and cents, respecting a 
•modification of the Tariff Bill, or the regulation of the cur- 
rency, can induce a Webster loudly to declaim in Faneuil 
Hall ; but the transformation of hundreds of thousands of 
slaves into freemen is too trifling an affair to extort an 
approving sentence from his lips ! And the same thing is 
true of other giant minds. Politic men ! Not that they love 
freedom less, but that they love popularity, ' that weed of 
the dunghill,' more ! Verily, they shall have their reward. 
Let them refuse to hail this glorious jubilee, if they will. 
Their conduct demonstrates that they have shrivelled" souls, 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 329 

whatever may be the size of their intellect. Liberty, like 
her great author, God, is no respecter of persons ; she 
chooses the foolish things of the world to confound the wise, 
and weak things of the world to confound the things which 
are mighty. If the rulers in Church and State are not pre- 
pared to celebrate the most important victory she has ever 
obtained over oppression, it is because they are recreant to 
her cause. 

Before I proceed any further, let me call attention to a 
remarkable exemplification of the insincerity and effrontery 
of the anti-abolition party in this country, as manifested this 
day. What have they not done, for the last five years, to 
cast odium upon our principles and measures ? Have they 
not ridiculed, without mercy, our demand for the immediate 
abolition of slavery as wild, chimerical, monstrous ? Has 
not the idea of ' turning loose ' so many unlettered, penni- 
less, homeless creatures, seemingly filled them with horror ? 
Have they not a thousand times declared, that a sudden 
emancipation would fill the land with blood, and be the sig- 
nal for a war of extermination .? Have they not attempted 
to show, that slavery is a divine institution, which has been 
approved by God, from patriarch Abraham to patriarch 
McDufHe, and is therefore perfectly consistent with Christi- 
anity ? Have they not claimed to be the only true philan- 
thropists, the best friends of the slaves, the most tender- 
hearted among mankind ? Have they not represented the 
slaves as incapable of taking care of themselves, and vehe- 
mently insisted that their simultaneous liberation would 
bring forth another St. Domingo tragedy .? Most certainly, 
all this they have said and done, and a great deal more, 
equally creditable to their common sense, benevolence and 
piety ! Now, how do I prove them to be inconsistent, if not 
hypocritical ; reckless of consequences, if not hard-hearted ; 
lukewarm friends of humanity, if not her treacherous foes ? 
28* 



330 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

I will show you. It is known throughout the country, that 
an abolition experiment is to be made this day, in the British 
West Indies, on a scale such as the world has never witness- 
ed. All the slaves, belonging to the following islands, rose 
up this morning without a chain upon their limbs, free men, 
free women, free children ; without an owner to oppress 
them, without a driver to order them into the field, without 
any other restraints upon them than those which bind all the 
subjects of Great Britain, whether at home or abroad ! 
The cart-whip, the thumb-screw, the yoke, the fetter, all the 
infernal devices of slavery to extort unpaid labor and servile 
obedience, have disappeared as by enchantment ! 

Tortola emancipates 5,400 ; Montserrat, 6,200 ; Nevis, 
6,600; Dominica, 15,400; St. Vincent, 23,500; Barba- 
does, 82,000 ; Jamaica, 323,000 ; making a grand total of 
462,100. 

Now, I ask, if the apprehensions expressed by our oppo- 
nents are not feigned ; if they are sincere in their opinions ; 
if they really credit their own assertions ; if they are not 
actuated by selfishness ; if they truly love their neighbors as 
themselves ; if their humanity is not restricted by geographi- 
cal boundaries ; if, in fine, they believe that to ' turn loose,' 
in the twinkling of an eye, large masses of imbruted slaves, 
will subject the planters to imminent peril, if not to certain 
destruction — why, in the names of consistency and humani- 
ty, are they so imperturbable, so entirely indifferent, so abso- 
lutely unconscious, as it were, in full view of what is now 
transpiring in the West Indies ? How shall we account for 
their conduct, except at the expense of their understandings 
or their hearts ? Why has not a national fast been ordered } 
Why do they not toll the bells, and sing funeral dirges ? 
This they do, if but the President of the United States die 
a natural death ! And, lovers of mankind as they are, can 
they do less when thousands of planters are given up to indis- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 331 

criminate butchery, witli their wives and children, by ' turn- 
ing loose ' upon them a troop of infuriated slaves ? At least, 
can they not refrain from their usual merriment, or wear 
upon their countenances a semblance of concern, or aflect 
to be horror-stricken ? Do they not know that the abolition- 
ists are looking them full in the face, and taking notes of 
their behavior, for the very purpose of recording it in print ? 
Have they ' remembered to forget ' that this is the first of 
August ? Verily, it would seem so, or else that they have 
been playing the part of hypocrites, for a long time past, for 
a very bad purpose, and with very bad success ! How is it 
with the newspaper press ? Are there no editorial wailings, 
no lachrymal forebodings, no ebullitions of grief and horror ? 
Why are not the Journal of Commerce, the Evening Star, 
the New York Gazette, the Commercial Advertiser, the 
Courier and Enquirer, the New York Observer, the Chris- 
tian Advocate and Journal, dressed in deep mourning? Or 
have they already imprinted upon their pages too many 
black marks, in testimony of their regard and sympathy for 
the robbers of God's poor, to render their multiplication 
necessary ? Black marks, indeed, which no chemical liquid 
shall be able to efface, nor any element destroy. If these 
shrewd, far-sighted, infallible editors shall tell us, as a rea- 
son for their present composure, that they mean to wait 
until they learn how the experiment works in Jamaica, 
before they commit themselves by shedding too many tears, 
and uttering too many groans, why then let us acknowledge 
that they have some method in their madness ; but while we 
commend their discretion, let us inquire after their consist- 
ency. Though they have been prophesying 'evil, and only 
evil, and that continually,' of any and every scheme of 
immediate emancipation ; though they have advanced it as a 
self-evident proposition, that bloodshed and ruin must be the 
inevitable consequence of letting all the oppressed go free 



332 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

at once, it seems, after all, that they knew nothing about the 
matter. What was beyond all doubt with them, a short 
time since, is now full of uncertainty : they wait for intelli- 
gence ! It is possible that the thorns of emancipation will 
produce some very fine grapes, that the thistles of liberty 
will grow some very nice figs, that a bad tree will bring 
forth some very choice fruits. They wish to do nothing 
rashly, for they are civilized and Christian men, and as 
unlike the wild and headlong abolitionists as lynch-law is 
worse than common law. For once they are puzzled ; their 
vision is dim ; they falter in their steps ; they really cannot 
tell how many throats will be cut, or whether any mischief 
will be done this day, in the emancipated colonies. Every 
thing with them is in suspense, problematical, betwixt day- 
light and dark. They can hardly discern ' men as trees 
walking.' Yet these are the keen scrutators, the severe 
admonishers, the discerning moralists, the profound logicians, 
the wise philosophers, the infallible prophets, the quick-sight- 
ed seers, who perceive the end from the beginning, ' looking 
before and after ' — these, I say, who are now stumbling, 
doubting, waiting, in relation to a result they have all along 
asserted to be inevitable, are the very men who have held 
up the abolitionists to public scorn as fools or madmen, blind 
as to ' consequences,' ignorant of the relation of cause and 
effect, and incapable of understanding that bad principles 
and bad measures, if successful, (or, in other words, the 
sudden overthrow of the slave system,) must inevitably lead 
to violence and bloodshed. O, most surely, they are the 
people, and wisdom will die with them ! But the sooner such 
wisdom perishes from the earth, the better for mankind. So 
ends the serio-comico farce enacted three-hundred and sixty- 
five times a year, (Sundays not excepted,) for the last five 
years, by our unfortunate opponents. In what a pitiable 
plight do they stand ! For, in one hour, all their ingenious 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 333 

sophistry, subtle Jesuitism, metapliysical hair-splitting ; their 
confident predictions, tlieir false accusations, their legal pos- 
tulates, and their biblical perversions ; together with the 
blood-red scourges and galling fetters of that detestable sys- 
tem which they impiously labored to uphold ; have been 
broken in pieces by the sledge-hammer of Freedom, and 
consumed in the fire of immediate emancipation. 

Now, look at the abolitionists, and observe with what ex- 
ultation they greet this most eventful era ! Where are they, 
but where they should be — crowding the public halls and 
temples of worship, to return thanks to Almighty God for 
the wonderful salvation he has effected for a people ' peeled, 
meted out, and trodden under foot ' ? There is no fear in 
their hearts, no doubt in thpiir oyes ; for, in their reverence 
for the immutablu principles of justice, they looked well to 
CONSEQUENCES. For a series of years, they have h^t^n pro. 

claiming in the ears of oppressors, in season and out«of 
season, the duty of instantly releasing all their slaves from 
bondage. They have marshalled together all the facts of 
history — the experience of the ages — the testimony of the 
wise and good of all nations — proofs without number, and 
'strong as holy writ' — to demonstrate the impolicy, dan- 
ger and wickedness of exercising oppression over the needy 
and defenceless. On the score of personal safety, of self- 
interest, they have strenuously urged the planters to give up 
their impious claim of property in human flesh. They 
have indignantly scouted the notion, as opposed to reason 
and revelation, as e(|ually unphilosophical and unscriptural, 
that it is perilous to entrust men with their inalienable rights. 
They have challenged their opponents, in vain, to produce 
a single instance, in any quarter of the globe, from ancient 
or modern history, in which disastrous consequences have 
followed the removal of heavy burdens from the backs, and 



334 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

galling yokes from the necks of the oppressed, however 
feeble in intellect, or darkened in mind, or unprepared to 
enter upon ' liberty and the pursuit of happiness.' ' Give 
freedom to all whom you are unjustly retaining in bondage,' 
they have said to the masters, ' and, as true as the Lord 
liveth, there shall no evil befall you. Not a hair of your 
heads shall be injured, not a drop of your blood shall be 
shed, not a fragment of your property shall be destroyed. 
Instead of darkness, you shall have light ; instead of tribu- 
lation, joy ; instead of adversity, prosperity. For barren- 
ness, you shall have fertility ; for wasteful, indolent and 
revengeful serfs, provident, industrious and grateful labor- 
ers ; for liability to servile insurrections, perfect exemption 
from danger. The execrations of your victims shall be 
turned into blessings ; their wailings into shouts of joy ; 
the judgments of God into mercies. Your peace shall 
flow like a river, for there shall be none to molest or make 
afraid. " For the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." ' 

Well, God be praised ! the planters of Jamaica have this 
day resolved, with perfect unanimity, to try the experiment. 
Are the abolitionists troubled, that they have been taken at 
their word ? Have they not some forebodings that all will 
not turn out so well as they have predicted? None at all. 
They know whereof they affirm, and accurately perceive 
all the consequences of the emancipation act. They have 
taken a bond, not of fate, but of Him who cannot lie, and 
thus have made ' assurance doubly sure.' Hence it is that, 
unlike those who have deprecated the measure as suicidal 
on the part of the planters, they do not feel constrained to 
wait until they can get intelligence from the West Indies, 
before they can pass judgment upon it. Hence it is, in 
various parts of the United States, throughout old Eng- 
land, among the highlands of Scotland, and in the Eme- 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 335 

raid Isle, they are now swelling the grand chorus of lib- 
erty — 

• From every giant hill, companion of the cloud, 
The startled echo leaps, to give it back aloud ! ' 

Now let ' the base of heaven's deep organ blow,' and all 
that is harmonious in heaven or on earth take up the thrill- 
ing strain, ' Glory to God in the highest!' 

Our cautious opponents will perhaps admonish us not to 
be premature in our exultation. Perhaps they will sagely 
remind us, in the form of a homely adage, that it is not best 
to halloo until we get out of the woods. Sanguine as we 
are of good results, we may be wofully mistaken ; and 
therefore we shall be on the safe side to follow their prudent 
example — wait for intelligence ! Now, these admoni- 
tory suggestions prove the blindness, ignorance and skepti- 
cism of those who aspire to be our teachers and guides. If 
they would disburden their minds of prejudice, and calmly 
listen to the voice of reason, and believe what God has 
spoken, they would feel assured that tranquillity, order and 
happiness are reigning throughout the emancipated colonies. 
The dificrence between them and ourselves, in this matter, 
is, that we walk by faith, they by sight. We believe — 
therefore we rejoice! They cannot yet see — hence their 
reluctance to change their position ! Now, was there ever 
a people so low and brutal as not to rejoice in being set 
free from bondage ? Is it not morally impossible, that the 
same act which fills them with gratitude and joy should 
inflame them with revenge ? If they will patiently suffer 
themselves to be 

•Yoked to the beasts, and driven to their toil,' — 

if they will not lift up a finger in self-defence, when they 
arc horribly scourged, branded with hot irons, defrauded of 



336 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

their earnings, sundered in traffic like cattle, and subjected 
to the most dreadful torments, — is it to be supposed, for the 
twentieth part of a moment, that, when they are released 
from such a condition, and raised to the level of our 
common humanity, (by the consent, too, of their masters.) 
they will engage in butchery, ' cry havoc, and let slip the 
dogs of war,' and make human blood flow like water? 
Nay, can it be rationally apprehended, that they will resort 
even to the slightest acts of violence ? On the contrary, is 
it not to be taken for granted, as a matter of course, that 
they will manifest the liveliest gratitude, be docile as lambs, 
perform their remunerated labor with alacrity, and make 
each field and hill vocal with melody ? ' Instinct is a great 
matter ' — what says instinct, in reply to these interroga- 
tions ? What says common sense ? What says history ? 
What says 'holy writ'? Are we, then, presumptuous in 
observing this day as a joyful festival ? Run we any hazard 
of being premature in uttering our acclamations ? Is it not 
our opponents, who are forced into a painful and ridiculous 
attitude ? O, they are anxiously waiting for intelligence ! 
Why, what has been done in the West Indies, thus to fill 
them with perplexity ; thus to shake their theory of right 
and wrong ; thus to make it impossible for them to predict, 
whether joy or sorrow, order or anarchy, gratitude or re- 
venge, a reign of peace or a hurricane of fire and blood, is 
to be the consequence ? 

In the first place, all the laborers in the seven islands 
which have been already specified, — comprising nine-tenths 
of the whole effective population, — are henceforth to receive 
wages for their work, instead of getting no compensation, as 
heretofore. They are no longer to be forced to their labor 
under the lash of the driver. No man may now strike or 
oppress them with impunity. Their labor is to be volun- 
tary ; they may work as many or as few hours as they 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 337 

please ; they are free to make their own contracts, to choose 
their own employers, to acquire and possess as much as 
industry and economy will enable them. Slave mothers 
are no more to be compelled to toil from dawn of day to the 
approach of night, in the open field, beneath a burning sun, 
dragging their infants with them. They may now give 
heed to the cries of nature, and administer to the wants of 
their helpless otispring, without being lacerated for their 
motherly tenderness. In short, honesty is to take the place 
of robbery, voluntary action that of brute violence, recom- 
pense is to go hand in hand with toil, wages are to be sub- 
stituted for the whip. 

Under the slave-driving system in the Colonies, it appears, 
by returns made to the British Parliament, that not only was 
the natural increase of the slave population cut off, but, in 
the short space of eleven years, there had been a decrease, 
to the frightful amount of fifty-two thousand, eight hun- 
dred AND eighty-seven, or about five thousand annually h 
Now, this wholesale butchery is to cease ; the laborers can- 
not be worked to death with impunity. We turn to our 
opponents, and ask, whether this single item is not something 
gained to the cause of humanity — something that warrants, 
unattended by other favorable circumstances, a jubilee like 
the present ? ' Well, they don't know ; honesty may prove 
to be the best policy ; fair dealing and humanity are very 
good things, if they only turn out well in the end ! ' They 
shake their heads doubtingly ; they fear the experiment will 
prove ruinous to both the employers and the employed ; at 
all events, they wait for intelligence ! Let us try ao-ain. 

In the second place, the claim of property, whether abso- 
lute or conditional, in the bodies and souls of half a mil- 
lion of our race, expired by limitation at twelve o'clock last 
night, and can never be renewed. There are to be no more 
slave auctions ; no more sunderings of fathers and mothers, 
29 



338 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

husbands and wives, parents and children, lovers and 
friends, by the slave speculator. A legalized system of 
concubinage is ended, and upon its ruins is established the 
marriage institution, sacred to virtue and love ! The broken 
links of parental, filial and conjugal ties are reunited in a 
golden chain. O, it is dreadful to contemplate the reeking 
licentiousness, the abounding impurity, the Sodom-like beast- 
iality, generated by that foul system which abrogated mar- 
riage, removed all virtuous restraints, and offered premiums 
on pollution ! Blessed be God, it is over the downfall of 
that system we are met to rejoice. Its lava tide of desola- 
tion is stayed, dried up, for ever ! Now, we turn once 
more to our opponents, and demand, whether this is not a 
signal gain to the cause of morality — a triumph of purity 
over the filthiness of the flesh, in which all the virtuous in 
heaven and on earth may participate, never doubting as to 
the ' consequences,' either in time or in eternity ? ' Well, 
they are not prepared to answer ! They hope for the best, 
but fear the worst ! ' ' All 's well that ends well ! ' They 
tvait for intelligence ! 

In the last place, (for it is needless, almost endless, to 
recapitulate the benefits of this great measure,) the most 
formidable obstacle to the progress of Christianity — greater 
than any which the Man of Sin, or the False Prophet, or 
Pagan Juggernaut, has been able to cast in her path — is 
taken out of the way, so far as relates to the West Indies ; 
and the gospel of Christ, not in isolated texts or perverted 
expositions, but in its completeness, can now be preached 
with all boldness, where but a short time since, the mission- 
aries of the Cross were cast into prison, or compelled to flee 
for their lives, and their chapels burnt to the ground. The 
statutes are repealed, which made it a crime worthy of 
stripes, imprisonment, or death, to give light to the blind, 
knowledge to the ignorant, succor to the perishing ; which 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 339 

prohibited instruction in letters, the establishment even of 
primary schools, the circulation of the Scriptures, and all 
measures for intellectual cultivation and moral improve- 
ment ; which estimated the soul of a slave as the life of a 
beast, denied the immortality of our race, claimed to be of 
higher oblin;ation than the commandments of God, and au- 
thorised all manner of inflictions upon our common nature. 
Ample protection is now given against violence and wrong ; 
all restrictions upon the liberty of the press, of speech, and 
of locomotion, are taken ofT; those who, yesterday, had no 
will or power of their own, may to-day go where they 
please, give free utterance to their thoughts, consult their 
own wishes ; all the avenues to human elevation and infinite 
progression arc thrown wide open ; the Bible may be read 
and circulated without let or hindrance ; mind, intellect and 
heart are all permitted to develop themselves in the sunlight 
of liberty. Again, therefore, we turn to our opponents, and 
ask, whether here is not an incalculable gain to the cause of 
justice, virtue and religion ? Can the ' consequences ' of 
this change of administration be otherwise than good and 
glorious ? May not the followers of Progress, the friends 
of Philanthropy, the disciples of Christianity, rejoice over it 
with all certainty as to its beneficent effects, even though not 
a day has passed since the experiment was put into opera- 
tion ? ' O, they arc not inclined to answer ; they are really 
puzzled to know whether more harm than good will not 
result from it ; by the first of September, they hope to be 
able to form an opinion. They zvait for inicUigencc ! ' 
True, the slave system has been cast into the bottomless 
pit ; but then, they are persuaded a state of freedom is 
pregnant with far greater evils ! True, the slaves can no 
longer be bought, sold, mortgaged, branded, cropped, man- 
acled, lacerated, murdered with impunity ; but then, for this 
merciful exemption from suficriug, it is to be ajtprehended 



340 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

that they will cut their masters' throats ! True, learning 
may now be encouraged, schools established, the gospel 
enforced, extraordinary privileges enjoyed ; but then, as a 
consequence of this state of things, plantations may be 
ravaged, the dwellings of the planters fired, and the awful 
scenes of St. Domingo witnessed ! ! O, well may Bedlam 
laugh at such stolidity, and shudder at such insensibility ! 
What shall we think of such men ? or what shall we say of 
them ? It cannot be that they are in their right minds ; or, 
if they are, that they are sincere in what they afiirm. 
Ignorant they cannot be, for they make high pretensions to 
wisdom and knowledge. Talents they certainly possess ; 
but talents, ' though angel bright,' may be turned into fool- 
ishness by perversion. It is impossible to believe them to 
be honest, except at the expense of their understandings. 
They deny self-evident propositions. They proclaim that 
all men are created free and equal, and endowed with in- 
alienable rights, and then mob us for enforcing their own 
doctrine! They contend for liberty of speech, and then 
subject us to lynch law for exercising that liberty ! They 
expatiate upon the blessings of freedom, and then burn 
down our dwellings for proposing to extend those blessings 
to millions of our countrymen who are kept in the house of 
bondage ! But, enigmatical as their conduct may at first 
appear, it finds an easy solution. They despise, loathe, 
repudiate, the colored man, as a man ; though they value 
him, cling to him, extol him, run after him, from the borders 
of Texas to our north-eastern boundary, as a slave ! They 
hate the colored race, cordially, unceasingly, implacably — 
not all of them so much as to desire their perpetual enslave- 
ment, but hate them to an extent which requires their ban- 
ishment from the soil. They wish them to be out of sight, 
out of the land, out of the world, — except they will go to 
Liberia, and then they will be pretty sure to be out of it in 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 341 

a very short time. The fire of their prejudice is unquench- 
able ; all the waters of the Atlantic cannot extinguish it. 
They declare it to be an offence against good manners, 
good morals, Christian decorum, and republican equality, to 
treat men irrespective of their complexion — nay, subversive 
of the American Union, and destructive of the peace of 
Zion ! They maintain that it is * an ordination of Heaven,' 
as unalterable as the laws of Nature, that there should be 
no intercourse between the white and colored races, except 
as masters and slaves : hence, emancipation and expulsion 
must be inseparable. The conformation of the black man 
is to them a source of merriment. They sometimes affect 
to doubt whether he belongs to the genus homo ; whether 
he is, in fact, a member of the human family. If they have 
enslaved him, the color of his skin is invaluable to identify 
him, in case (as will most probably be the case) he shall 
take to himself legs, and run away. If he is free in their 
midst, his complexion is a nuisance. They send a man to 
the hospital if he has the small pox or cholera, but if he has 
a sable complexion, he must go to Liberia — and very poor 
medical attendance will he receive when he gets there, 
though he will need it greatly. The cholera may be cured, 
but a sable skin admits of no remedy. Besides all this, a 
very large portion of our opponents are slaveholders, and it 
would be very strange if they were not found in array 
against us. Whoever sides with them in this great contro- 
versy, takes part against their victims ; that is, against justice 
and humanity. They may, indeed — as we trust they 
will — come over to us, in imitation of the cheering exam- 
ple which has been set them in the West Indies ; but we 
can never go over to them. Subtract from the ranks of the 
anti-abolition party all wlio own slaves, or have mortgages 
upon slave property, or who are in any way interested in 
the system; or their relations and connections, who sympa- 
29* 



342 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

thize with them, or who cherish the brutal spirit of caste 
towards the victims of American brutality ; all who love 
their denominational or political party more than mankind ; 
all who are seeking the loaves and fishes of office in 
Church or State ; and all who are licentious, profane, Jaco- 
binical in their spirit, — how many unprejudiced, tender- 
hearted, noble-spirited souls would be left ? Be they few 
or many, they are fast coming over to the sid'e of bleeding 
humanity. But, controlled by such influences, passions and 
interests, is it to be wondered at that our opponents, when- 
ever they discourse upon the subject of slavery, and the 
rights of the colored race, talk like men in a state of lunacy ; 
deny their own faith ; insist that two and two make nine, and 
twice nine make forty-five ; grow angry, spiteful, turbulent; 
conjure up raw-head and bloody-bones, dire chimeras. Hack 
ghosts ; run away from the light of free discussion, as 
sheep-devouring wolves troop back to their murky dens at 
dawn of day ; substitute rotten eggs for arguments, brick- 
bats for syllogisms, and tar and feathers for victorious 
appeals ; burn down buildings dedicated to ' Virtue, Lib- 
erty and Independence ' ; resort to bowie-knives and pis- 
tols as their weapons of defence, and imbrue their hands in 
•the blood of innocency ? Why, these things should excite 
no marvel ; they are the natural consequence of such prin- 
ciples. The measures are adapted to the principles, and 
the principles to the measures. Can a corrupt tree bring 
forth good fruit? Can that which is evil-disposed, which 
is prescriptive, oppressive, cruel, delight in peace, love, and 
good-will to all men ? 

I have said that abolitionists believe, therefore they now 
rejoice ; that their opponents walk by sight, and very short- 
sighted they are withal. They wait for intelligence. It will 
come by and by ; come to their confusion, let me tell them ! 
Nay, deride the fact as they may, it has come already ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 343 

Thougli the sun of this time-consecrated day has not yet dis- 
appeared from the heavens, though it is not twenty-four hours 
since the event we are commemorating took place in dis- 
tant islands ; yet tidings of the result have been received in 
this city, from high authority, which I am permitted to 
announce in the cars of the people. They were brought 
by no human express, and are authenticated by no fictitious 
sign-manual. The messenger is the Spirit of Truth, sent 
down from heaven, his documents having the seal and sig- 
net of the Lord Almighty ! What was done last night in 
Jamaica ? At twelve o'clock, precisely, all the bands of 
wickedness were loosed, the heavy burdens undone, the 
oppressed set free, and every yoke broken, according to the 
command of God ! What has followed in Jamaica ? Its 
light broke forth as the morning, and its health shall spring 
forth speedily ! Its darkness is as the noonday ! It shall be 
satisfied in drought, and its bones made fat ; yea, it shall be 
like a watered garden, and like a spring of water whose 
waters fail not. And they that shall be of it shall build the 
old waste places : it shall raise up the foundations of many 
generations ; and it shall be called, The repairer of the 
breach, The restorer of paths to dwell in ! ' For the mouth 
of the Lord hath spoken it.' Who discredits this intelli- 
gence ? Who doubts whether the facts are just as they are 
represented ? None who take God at his word ; none who 
implicitly believe that he is faithful, and cannot lie ; none 
but those who are practically infidels ! If it be a dream, 
still, ' the dream is certain, and the interpretation thereof 
sure ! ' 

But this will not satisfy our opponents ; for, as they regard 
not the colored man, so neither in this matter do they fear 
God. They want better testimony ; the reports of pro-sla- 
very journals and colonization repositories, some four or six 
weeks hence, respecting the workings of the free-labor sys- 



344 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

tern ; then, peradventure, they will believe, even if it con- 
firms what God foretold would certainly come to pass ! 
They leave fanatics and madmen to cant about walking by 
faith ; as for themselves, they will take nothing upon trust. 
They will believe their own eyes. They will see what the 
Journal of Commerce, or the Courier and Enquirer, or the 
Commercial Advertiser, or the New York Observer, or the 
Washington Globe, and other kindred prints, say of this 
affair, and make up their minds accordingly. ' A bird in the 
hand is worth two in the bush,' say they. 

Very well ; I will not stop to pick a feather from the wing 
of that full-fledged adage. Let them have their own way in 
the argument, for which ever path they choose, their escape 
is impossible. They will hear nothing, it seems, about 
faith, promises, light, darlmess, repairs, ruins, or any such 
cabalistical nonsense. They are your practical, cautious, 
shrewd, calculating men. They know what they know, and 
believe what they believe ; among other things, that to steal 
a sixpence out of their own pockets is a crime deserving the 
frown of heaven, and condign punishment by the magis- 
trate, but that to kidnap a whole plantation of negroes is no 
crime at all, but a patriarchal exploit, which Heaven smiling- 
ly approves ! But I press to the point. Between them and 
us, for a long time past, there has been a warm controversy 
as to the consequences that would follow the immediate 
emancipation of large bodies of slaves, without education, 
ignorant even of its lowest rudiments. We have maintain- 
ed, that such an act, if voluntarily performed by the mas- 
ters, or effected in any peaceful manner, would be safe, 
bloodless, profitable, and mutually advantageous to all par- 
ties. They have asserted, that it would involve both mas- 
ters and slaves in one common ruin ; that the soil would be 
left uncultivated, the plantations devastated, and butchery 
be the order of the day ; that, in short, it would be ' chaos 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 345 

come again,' with thick-brooding darkness, and tlu'oiiging 
horrors ! Now for a practical trial of our conflicting theo- 
ries. Our opponents very well know, that, four years ago, 
just such an experiment was made, on a large scale, under 
disadvantageous circumstances, where there were fifteen 
blacks to one white ; a most unequal disproportion, surely ! 
In one hour, no less than thirty thousand slaves were trans- 
formed into freemen ! Now let them tell us, whether one 
of their frightful anticipations has been realized ; whether 
all our happy predictions have not been fulfilled to the letter. 
One, two, three, four years have elapsed since that advent- 
urous step was taken, though the planters might have retain- 
ed their authority for the term of six years longer. Well, 
during all that time, has a single throat been cut, or a drop 
of blood spilt, or lynch law administered in a single case, or 
an embryo conspiracy detected, or the ghost of a rebellion 
seen ? No. Has the property of the planters been injured 
to the amount of a farthing.? No. Has any plantation 
been left uncultivated ? No. Have the emancipated slaves 
refused to work ? No. Have they shown the slightest dis- 
position to be idle, turbulent, or intractable ? No. On the 
contrary, has not the measure been attended with the hap- 
piest consequences, in detail and in the aggregate ? Yes. 
Are not the employers (now masters no longer) enjoying 
unwonted security, an enviable peace of mind, and a splen- 
did recompense of reward for well-doing ? Yes. Are not 
the employed (now unpaid laborers no longer) industrious, 
economical, orderly, docile almost to a fault, filled with grate- 
ful emotions, aspiring after intellectual and moral cultiva- 
tion, and rejoicing continually over the boon of liberty ? 
Yes. These facts are notorious. How do our opponents 
get over them ? They can neither get over, nor under, nor 
around ihcm, nor escape their flaming omnipresence by 
flight. How is it that cause and effect have ceased relation- 



346 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

ship ; that the best possible result has accompanied the 
worst possible act ; that a firebrand, thrown into a powder 
magazine, creates no explosion ; that water runs up hill, and 
a thousand other miracles are witnessed ; that the planters 
are not torn limb from limb, and all their property annihi- 
lated ; how is it, I repeat, that our opponents have witnessed 
the laws of nature reversed, (if we may believe them,) their 
own ingenious theories turned topsy-turvy, and every pre- 
diction of the ' fanatical abolitionists ' literally fulfilled, and 
they have made no confession of error, uttered no exclama- 
tion of surprise, attempted no explanation of these remarkable 
phenomena ? How is it, that they are so stoical, so phleg- 
matic, so dumb ! I have conceded too much to their 
humanity. I have said that they are waiting for intelligence 
from Jamaica, in regard to the transactions of this day in 
that island, before they hail the emancipation act as a bless- 
ing. But they will not hail il, thuugh it shall appear that the 
very windows of heaven have been upeued, and such a bless- 
ing poured out that there was no room to receive it. They 
will be filled with chagrin, with ill-digested spleen, with undi- 
minished hostility to the emancipation of their own down- 
trodden countrymen. They will behave precisely as they 
have done in the case of Antigua. They profess to be 
humane, patriotic, Christian men, anxious to see the cause 
of human freedom advancing in the earth ; yet how have 
Ihey welcomed the intelligence, that emancipation w^orks 
well in Antigua, and is going on ' in the full tide of success- 
ful experiment ' ? Positively in a manner that would be dis- 
graceful to barbarians ! They have studiously attempted to 
garble and suppress facts, to wink out of sight what an ador- 
ing universe will ever contemplate with delight, to forget 
what shall be held in everlasting remembrance ! I appeal 
to the world, steeped as it is in pollution and iniquity ; I 
appeal to heaven, in its immaculate purity and resplendent 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 347 

glory, if they were virtuous men, would they not rejoice to 
know that a system of legahzed concubinage and prostitu- 
tion had come to an end ? If they were patriotic, would 
they not exult at the peaceful overthrow of a worse than 
Turkish despotism ? If they were philanthropic, would they 
not shout aloud in view of misery assuaged, broken hearts 
comforted, wounds and putrefying sores healed up, the lame 
leaping like the roe, the blind restored to sight, the deaf 
made to hear, and the dumb to speak ? If they were lovers 
of justice, would they not delight in the fact, that the lynch 
code of slavery, as administered for ages to an immense 
multitude of their fellow-creatures, has been superseded by 
constitutional law, giving ample protection to the meanest of 
them all ? If they were truly pious, would they not give 
glory to God, that where it was until recently fettered and 
gagged, the gospel may now have free course and be glori- 
fied ? that a mighty obstacle to the progress of the Redeem- 
er's kingdom has been removed out of the way ? that where 
the Bible has been a prohibited book, it may now be freely 
circulated ? that where mental and moral improvement has 
been forbidden under severe penalties, all restrictions are 
taken off, and light and knowledge are abounding ? But 
they do not rejoice ; they do not shout aloud, (no, not even 
whisper !) they do not give glory to God ! How is their 
hypocrisy, their hard-heartedness, their contempt for the 
colored race, made manifest! How are they judged in the 
presence of angels and mankind ! 

They walk by sight, forsooth ! Why not look, then, at 
Antigua ? That is a sight worth looking at ! But the light 
is too strong for their weak vision. If there had been blood 
and carnage in that island, they could have beheld it with 
' philosophical composure ; ' it would have helped them to 
an argument, and arguments with them are very scarce ; it 
would have served to make plausible their scare-crow theory 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

of emancipation, now, alack ! proved, to the satisfaction of 
the veriest cowards in Christendom, to be nothing but a 
scare-crow, with an air-drawn dagger! They looked, but 
hearing songs of praise instead of the agonies of the dying ; 
seeing every man's hand, instead of turning against another, 
extended in fraternal kindness ; beholding the whole face of 
society renovated, and all things presenting an animated 
aspect ; why should they look more than once ? Are disa- 
greeable objects to be contemplated with satisfaction? Is 
the mirror, that clearly reveals one's deformity, a source of 
pleasure to the beholder ? No, indeed ! At least, so think 
our opponents ! 

I proceed now, with all brevity, to show in what manner 
the boon of freedom was received by the slaves of Antigua 
and Bermuda ; and the first witness I shall summon upon 
the stand is Lord Brougham, whose gigantic exertions in the 
cause of emancipation entitle him to the gratitude of man- 
kind. In an eloquent speech, delivered by him in the House 
of Lords, February 20th, 1838, on this subject, he testifies 
as follows : — 

'The first of August arrived — that day so confidently and joy- 
ously anticipated by the poor slaves, and so sorely dreaded by their 
hard task-masters ; and if ever there was a picture interesting to 
look upon — if ever there was a passage in the history of a people, 
redounding to their eternal honor — if ever there was a complete 
refutation of all the scandalous calumnies which had been heaped 
upon them for ages, as if in justification of the wrongs which we 
had done them — that picture and that passage are to be found in 
the uniform and unvarying history of that people throughout the 
whole of the West India islands. Instead of the fires of rebellion 
lit by a feeling of lawless revenge and resistance to oppression, the 
whole of those islands were, like an Arabian scene, illuminated by 
the light of contentment, joy, peace and good-will towards all men. 
No civilized people, after gaining an unexpected victory, could have 
shown more delicacy and forbearance than was exhibited by the 
slaves at the great moral consummation which they had attained. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 349 

There was not a look or a gesture which could gall the eyes of 
their masters. Not a sound escaped from negro lips, which could 
wound the ears of the most feverish planter in the islands. All was 
joy, mutual congratulation and hope.' 

So far the testimony of Lord Brougham. Thus much for 
the hqrrors of immediate emancipation ! Thus mucH^ in 
proof that slaves are contented and happy, and would not 
be free if they could ! O, if there were time, it would be 
a delightful task to give the details of events, as they trans- 
pired in Antigua, in 1834. But a single extract from 
Thome and Kimball's Journal must suffice : it contains an 
Alexandrian library of pathos and sublimity in a single par- 
agraph : — 

« The Wesleyans kept " watch-night " in all their chapels on the 
night of the 31st July [the evening preceding the day of emancipa- 
tion.] The spacious chapel in St. John's was filled with the candi- 
dates for liberty. All was animation and eagerness. A mighty 
chorus of voices swelled the song of expectation and joy, and as 
they united in prayer, the voice of the leader was drowned in the 
universal acclamations of thanksgiving, and praise, and blessing, 
and honor, and glory to God, who had come down for their deliver- 
ance. In such exercises, the evening was spent until the hour of 
twelve approached. The missionary then proposed, that when the 
clock on the cathedral should begin to strike, the whole congrega- 
tion should fall upon their knees, and receive the boon of freedom 
in silence ! Accordingly, as the loud bell tolled its first note, the 
immense assembly fell prostrate on their knees. All was silence, 
save the quivering, half- stifled breath of the struggling spirit. The 
slow notes of the clock fell upon the ears of the multitude ; peal on 
peal, peal on peal, rolled over the prostrate throng, in tones of 
anf^els' voices, thrilling among the desolate chords and weary 
heart-strin"-s ! Scarce had the clock sounded its last note, when 
the lightning flashed vividly around, and a loud peal of thunder 
roared along the sky — God's pillar of fire, and trump of jubilee I 
A moment of profoundest silence passed — then came the burst — 
they broke forth in prayer ; they shouted, they sung, •• glory,'- 
•« alleluia ; " they clapped their hands, leaped up, fell down, clasped 
30 



850 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

each other in their free arms, cried, laughed, and ^vent to and fro, 
tossing upwards their unfettered hands ; but, high above the whole, 
there was a mighty sound, which ever and anon swelled up — it 
was the utterings, in broken negro dialect, of gratitude to God. 
After this gush of excitement had spent itself, and the congregation 
became calm, the religious exercises were resumed, and the remain- 
der of the night was occupied in singing and prayer, in reading the 
Bible, and in addresses from the missionaries, explaining the nature 
of the freedom just received, and exhorting the freed people to be 
industrious, steady, obedient to the laws, and to show themselves 
in all things worthy of the high boon which God had conferred 
upon them.' 

Nothing can surpass the sublimity of the scene, or add to 
the power of its description : — 

* Nought but itself can be its parallel ' ! 

And yet, how natural the conduct, how reverent the spirit, 
how exquisite the sensibility, how overwhelming the grati- 
tude of these contemned ones ! I say, how natural their con- 
duct ! They had obtained all they wished for ; why should 
they think of butchering those who had set them free ? 
The idea is preposterous. Yet it is upon record, that several 
American vessels, which had lain for weeks in the harbor 
of St. John's, weighed anchor on the 31st July, and made 
their escape, through actual fear that the island would be 
destroyed on the following day ! There is a specimen of 
republican reverence for liberty ! That is the way we 
encourage tyranny to give up its victims ! What fit subjects 
for a ^slaveholding master the captains of those vessels 
must have been ! O, the cowardly, recreant unbelievers ; 
the liberty-hating, consistent members of a confederacy of 
oppressors ! 

No throats were cut in Antigua ! And an equally aston- 
ishing fact is, the slaves wanted to be free, and don't want 
to return to bondage ! And, perhaps, what will surprise our 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 351 

opponents most of all is, the Governor of Antigua being 
witness, ' the planters all concede that emancipation has 
been a great blessing to the island ; he does not know of a 
single individual who wishes to return to the old system."' 
' He is well acquainted with the country districts of Eng- 
land, and has also travelled extensively in Europe ; yet he 
has never found such a peaceable, orderly, and law-abiding 
people as the emancipated slaves of Antigua.' On being 
interrogated as to the workings of the new system, one of 
the planters (Dr. Daniel) said — 'The planters, by giving 
immediate freedom, had secured the attachment of their 
people ; it had removed all danger of insurrection, confla- 
gration and conspiracies.' Another planter (Mr. Ilatley) 
said — ' Formerly, it was whip, whip, whip, incessantly, but 
now we are relieved from this disagreeable task.' Another 
(Hon. Samuel O. Baijer) said — 'I can cultivate my estate 
at least one third cheaper by free labor than by slave labor.' 
Another (Hon. N. Nugent) said — 'there is not the slight- 
est feeling of insecurity ; quite the contrary. Property is 
more secure, for all idea of insurrection is abolished for ever. 
My family go to sleep every night with the doors unlocked, 
and we fear neither violence nor robbery.' Another said — 
' Now, the security of property was so much greater in 
Antigua than it was in England, he thought it doubtful 
whether he should ever venture to take his family thither, as 
he had long contemplated doing.' Another (H. Armstrong, 
Esq.) said — 'There is no possible danger of personal vio- 
lence from the emancipated slaves. Should a foreign power 
invade our island, I have no doubt that the negroes would, 
to a man, fight for the planters.' Another (Dr. Ferguson) 
said — ' The credit of the island has decidedly improved. Its 
internal prosperity is advancing in an increased ratio. More 
buildings have been erected since emancipation, than for 
twenty years before.' An estate which, previous to oman- 



352 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

cipation, could not be sold for ^600 current, lately brought 
.£2000. ' All persons, of all professions, testify to the fact, 
that marriages are rapidly increasing. In truth, there was 
scarcely such a thing as marriage before the abolition of 
slavery. The whole number of marriages, during ten years 
previous to emancipation, was but half as great as the num- 
ber for a single year following emancipation.' The effect 
wrought upon prejudice is very remarkable. Before eman- 
cipation, the spirit of caste was strong and rampant. How 
is it now ? ' All distinctions,' says the Governor of Antigua, 
' founded in color, must be abolished every where. We 
should learn to talk of men, not as colored men, but as men, 
as fellow citizens and fellow subjects.' His secretary is a 
colored gentleman. The language of one of the Wesleyan 
missionaries to Messrs. Thome and Kimball was, ' Tell the 
American brethren, that, much as we desire to visit the 
United States, we cannot go, so long as we are prohibhed 
from speaking against slavery, or while that abominable 
prejudice is encouraged in the churches. We could not 
administer the sacrament to a church, iu which the distinc- 
tion of color was maintained.' The revolution of opinion 
in the midst of the planters, respecting slavery and the abo- 
litionists, is worthy of especial observation. Says the Hon. 
N. Nugent, ' The anti-slavery party in England were detest- 
ed here for their fanatical and reckless course. Such was 
the state of feeling previous to emancipation, that it would 
have been certain disgrace for any planter to have avowed 
the least sympathy with anti-slavery sentiments. The hu- 
mane might have their hopes and aspirations, and they might 
secredy long to see slavery ultimately terminated ; but they 
'did not dare to make such feelings public. They would 
at once have been branded as the enemies of their country.' 
Says another planter, (James Scotland, sen.) ' The opinions 
of the clergymen and missionaries, with the exception of, I 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 353 

believe, a few clergymen, were favorable to emancipation ; 
but neither in their conduct, preaching or prayers, did they 
declare themselves openly, until the measure of abolition 
was determined on. Whoever was known, or suspected of 
being an advocate for freedom, became the object of ven- 
geance, and was sure to suffer, if in no other way, by a loss 
of part of his business.' Now, how changed is the scene ! 
' Anti-Slavery is the popular doctrine among all classes. He 
is considered an enemy to his country, who opposes the prin- 
ciples of liberty. The planters look with astonishment at 
the continuance of slavery in tlie United States, and express 
their strong belief that it must soon terminate here, and 
throughout the world. They hailed the arrival of the French 
and American visitors on tours of inquiry as a bright omen. 
Distinguished abolitionists are spoken of in terms of respect 
and admiration. An agent of the English Anti-Slavery 
Society now resides in St. John's, and keeps a book-store, 
well stocked with anti-slavery books and pamphbts. The 
bust of George Thompson stands conspicuously upon the 
counter, looking forth upon the public street.' At a public 
meeting attended by the agents of the American Anti-Sla- 
very Society, a resolution approving of their mission was 
adopted by rising. ' Not an individual in the crowded con- 
gregation kept his seat. The masters and the slaves of yes- 
terday all rose together — a phalanx of freemen — to t^^stify 
" their sincere sympathy " in the efforts and objects of 
American abolitionists ! ' At a dinner party in Barbadoes, 
the planters complimented Messrs. Thome and Kimball, by 
jxivin"; their health, and ' wishinf; success to their most laud- 
able undertaking.' Though the contrary was pretended 
before the abolition of slavery, (as it is now in our country, 
in order to stop ' agitation,') the planters now ingenuously 
confess, that there was far less cruelty exercised by them 
during the anti-slavery excitement in England. ' They 
30* 



354 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

were always on their guard to escape the notice of the abo- 
litionists. They did not wish to have their names published 
abroad, and to be exposed as monsters of cruelty.' 

There are many other equally instructive facts. ' Before 
emancipation, martial law invariably prevailed on the holi- 
days ; but the very first Christmas after emancipation, the 
Governor made a proclamation, stating that, in consequence 
of the abolition of slavery, it was no longer necessary to 
resort to such a precaution.' In fact, the main constabulary 
force is now composed of emancipated negroes, living on 
the estates. So, there can be no more slave insurrections 
in Antigua, though it is not impossible that there may now 
and then be a mob of ' gendemen of property and standing.' 
No more is heard about Paul sending Onesimus back to 
his master — the passage ceases to be translated, ' Slaves, 
obey your masters' — not an allusion is made to the exam- 
ple of the patriarchs — the Levitical code has suddenly 
become obsolete, in the light of the British Constitution and 
the Gospel of Christ ! As to the willingness of the emanci- 
pated slaves to work, there is abundant testimony. We 
have a proverb among ourselves, that one can tell whether 
a mechanic is at work by the day or by the job, by listening 
to the sound of his hammer. If by the day, the tune is 

^ Largo,'' thus: — 'By the day! by the 

day ! ' If by the job, it is ' Prestissimo'' — ' By the job, job, 
job ! ,by the job, job, job !' That is human nature ; that is 
the instinct of self-interest, which is indeed ' a great matter ' 
to white and black alike. It is just so in Antigua. The 

laborei^ work very industriously by the day, though 

they receive but eleven cents as compensation ; but they 
work still better hj the joh. One planter testifies — ' When 
they had jobs given them, they would sometimes go to work 
by three o'clock in the morning, and work by moonlight. 
When the moon was not shining, he has known them to 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 355 

kindle fires among the trash, or dry cane leaves, to work 
by. They would then continue all day, working until 
four o'clock, stopping only for breakfast, and dispensing 
with the usual intermission from twelve to two.' So much 
for the laziness of the negroes, which nothing but a cart- 
whip can stimulate ! When we consider how small is the 
pittance which they receive, it is amazing to learn 'how 
that the abundance of their joy and their deep poverty 
abounds unto the riches of their liberality.' For, besides 
supporting their families, they are contributing to Sunday 
schools, missionary objects, the support of religious worship, 
the distribution of the Bible, and to a multitude of benevo- 
lent and moral associations, to the amount of thousands of 
dollars annually ! Injured, calumniated, wonderful people ! 
Lord Brougham, as a proof of their extraordinary indus- 
try, asserts that, ' during the year which followed the first 
of August, 1834, twice as much sugar per hour, and of a 
better quality, as compared with the preceding years, was 
stored throughout the sugar districts ; and that one man, a 
large planter, has expressly avowed, that with twenty 
freemen, he could do more work than with a hundred 
slaves, or fifty indentured apprentices. Now, I maintain,' 
continues Lord Brougham, ' that had we known what 
we now know of the character of the negroes, neither 
would the compensation (of ^20,000,000 sterling) have 
been given to the slave-owners, nor we have been guilty of 
proposing to keep the negro in slavery five years, after 
we were decided that he had a right to his freedom. The 
money had, in fiict, been paid to them by mistake; and, 
were the transaction one between man and man, an action 
for its recovery might lie.' 

Such are some of the glorious 'consequences' which 
have attended the immediate overthrow of slavery in Anti- 
gua ; such they will be in Jamaica and the other islands, 



356 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

and in the Southern States of America, whenever a similar 
event takes place. Think you there is one person in Great 
Britain, male or female, rich or poor, who has signed one 
memorial, or offered up one prayer, or made one effort, or 
contributed one mite, for the extinction of the West India 
slave system, that regrets the deed ? O, no ! They recur 
to it with pleasing satisfaction, lamenting only that they had 
not been more fervent in spirit, more liberal in giving, and 
more zealous in hastening so blissful a consummation ! 

Some people are quite astounded at the prosperous state 
of things in Antigua. They seem to regard it as almost 
miraculous. It is no miracle at all ! It is no more surprising 
than the autumnal harvest obtained from sowing the seed in 
spring time. It is the natural result of well-doing, unat- 
tended by aught that is mysterious or incredible. Remem- 
bering what man is — in whose image he is created — what 
are the motives by which he is made to be controlled — 
under what government the Almighty has placed him, 
a free, moral, accountable agent — what promises that glori- 
ous Being holds forth to those who let the oppressed 
go free — I am surprised at nothing which has transpired in 
any of the West India islands. My surprise would have 
been unfeigned, my disappointment great, had there been a 
different result. As a believer in Divine Revelation — as a 
worshipper at the shrine of Christianity — is it for me to be 
astonished when God exactly fulfils his word ? No. When 
he fails, in a single instance, to maintain his veracity, then 
may I well distrust him for ever ! 

What has God wrought ! God, I say ; not man — not 
any body of men — but God ! 

* Him first, him last, him midst, and without end ! ' 

The means, the principles, the measures, the weapons, 
by which this mighty victory has been achieved, are all 



WILLIA3I LLOYD GARRISON. 357 

of Him. To Him, tliercforc, be ascribed all the honor, 
renown, praise and glory — exclusively, universally, eter- 
nally! Yea, 'let all the earth fear the Lord; let all 
the inhabitants of the earth stand in awe of him; for he 
spake, and it was done ; he commanded, and it stood fast.' 
But, while 'no flesh shall glory' in this matter, we are per- 
mitted, and it is our duty, to remember with admiration and 
gratitude the instruments which God has used to effect 
his great design. This day, then — as philanthropists, 
lovers of our race, co-workers in the cause of human 
liberty — let us unite in proffering our heartfelt acknowl- 
edgments to the faithful and fearless, the indefatigable and 
uncompromising, the generous and victorious friends of 
negro emancipation across the Atlantic — the noble men 
and women of Great Britain — by whom, under God, the 
cause has been carried through to a triumphant termination. 
Animated by their example, and taking fresh encourage- 
ment from their success, let us redouble our exertions to 
deliver our own oppressed countrymen from the yoke of 
slavery. I have called them noble men and noble icomcn ; 
for let it never be forgotten, that the doctrine which has an- 
nihilated the slave system in the West Indies, and will yet 
subvert it in the United States, — the doctrine of immediate 
EMANCIPATION^ — was first promulgated in Great Britain by 
a WOMAN — the late Elizabeth Heyrick, ■ an estimable 
member of the Society of Friends. Her memory shall be 
cherished by future generations, and diffuse 

' Through tlic dark clci)ths of Time its vivid flame' 

To recite the long catalogue of those who have been instru- 
mental in achieving this unparalleled work of mercy would 
require a large amount of time. How impossible it is, then, 
to do justice to their merits on this occasion ! But tiiey 
need no panegyric, and most surely have their reward. 



358 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Friends of bleeding humanity, our work is before us ! — 
The slaveholders have impeached our motives, libelled our 
characters, and threatened our lives. No indignity is too 
great to be heaped upon us — no outrage too shocking to be 
perpetrated upon our persons and property. And now, 
we will have our revenge! God helping us, we will still 
continue to use all lawful and Christian means fOr the over- 
throw of their suicidal slave system ; so that when it 
falls, — as fall it must, — we will repay them with all 
the rich blessings that abound in Antigua. We will remove 
from them all source of alarm, and the cause of all insur- 
rection ; increase the value of their estates tenfold ; give an 
Eden-like fertility to their perishing soil ; build up the old 
waste places, and repair all breaches ; make their laborers 
contented, grateful and happy ; wake up the entombed 
genius of invention, and the dormant spirit of enterprise ; 
open to them new sources of affluence ; multiply their 
branches of industry ; erect manufactories, build railroads, 
dig canals ; establish schools, academies, colleges, and all 
beneficent institutions ; extend their commerce to the ends 
of the earth, and to an unimagined amount ; turn the tide 
of Western adventure and of Northern capital into South- 
ern channels ; unite the North and the South by indissolu- 
ble ties ; change the entire moral aspect of society ; cause 
pure and undefiled religion to flourish ; avert impending 
judgments and secure heavenly blessings ; and fill the land 
with peace, prosperity and happiness! Thus, and thus 
ONLY, will we be revenged upon them for all the wrongs 
and outrages they have heaped upon us, personally and 
collectively, — for all the evil they are now doing, or may 
hereafter do to us, — past, present, and to come ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, 359 

!0B0t SeHu (gmnnrijnitinn, 
I. 

Lo ! the bondage of ages has ceased ! 

The chains of the tyrant are riven ! 
No more, as a chattel or beast, 

Shall man to his labor be driven : 
Where the groans and the shrieks of despair 

From heart-broken victims were heard, 
Songs of rapturous joy fill the air, 

More sweet than the notes of a bird ! 

II. 

Lo ! the gloom and the blackness of night 

Have suddenly vanished away. 
And all things rejoice in the light 

Of Freedom's meridian day ! 
Eestored to their sight are the blind — 

No longer they grope for the wall ; 
All who seek may with certainty find, 

For clear is the vision of all ! 

III. 

Hark ! a voice from the Isles of the Sea ! 

Its echoes are heard round the world ; 
O, joyful its message — ' We are free ! 

To the dust Oppression is hurled ! 
We are free as the waves of the deep, 

As the winds that sweep o'er the earth ; 
And therefore we Jubilee keep, 

And hallow the day of our birth ! ' 

IV. 

Praise, praise to the name of the Lord I 
What wonders his right hand hath done ! 

How mighty and sure is his word ! 
How great is the victory won I 



360 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

The Power that Jehovah defied, 

In ruin and infamy lies : 
O spread the intelligence wide — 

For marvellous 'tis in all eyes ! 

V. 

Columbia ! O shame on thee now ! 

Repent thee in ashes and dust I 
There is blood on thy hands — on thy bi ow 

And thou art by Slavery cursed I 
Thy millions of vassals set free, 

Away with the scourge and the rod — 
Then join with the Isles of the Sea, 

In a shout of thanksgiving to God ! 



SnJtBpii&BiirB Siii[ 



PART I 



The bells are ringing merrily, 

The cannon loudly roar. 
And thunder-shouts for Liberty 

Are heard from shore to shore ; 
And countless banners to the breeze 

Their * stars and stripes ' display : 
"What call for sights and sounds like these ? 

' T is Independence day ! 

II. 

Our fathers spurned the British yoke, 

Determined to be free ; 
And, full of might, they rose and broke 

The chains of tyranny ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 361 

O, long they toiled, with zeal unfeigned, 

And kept their foes at bay. 
Till, by their valorous deeds, they gained 

Our Independence day ! 

III. 

They fought not for themselves alone, 

But for the eights of all, 
Of every caste, complexion, zone, 

On this terrestrial ball : 
To God they made their high appeal, 

In hope, not in dismay ; 
For well they trusted He would seal 

Their Independence day ! 

IV. 

Their creed how just — their creed how grand ! 

* All men are equal born ! ' 
Let those who cannot understand 

This truth, be laughed to scorn ! 
Cheers for the land in which we live, 

The free, the fair, the gay ! 
And hearty thanks to Heaven we '11 give. 

For Independence day ! 



PART I 



O God ! what mockery is this ! 

Our land how lost to shame I 
Well may all Europe jeer and hiss, 

At mention of her name ! 
For, while she boasts of liberty, 

'Neath Slavery's iron sway 
Three millions of her people lie. 

On Independence day ! 
31 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

II. 

She may not, must not, thus rejoice, 

Nor of her triumphs tell : 
Hushed be the cannon's thvmdering voice, 

And muffled every bell ! 
Dissolved in tears, prone in the dust, 

For mercy let her pray, 
That judgments on her may not burst 

On Independence day ! 

III. 

Lo ! where her starry banner waves,* 

In many a graceful fold — 
There toil, and bleed, and groan her slaves, 

'And men, like brutes, are sold ! 
Her hands are red with crimson stains, 

And bloody is her waj' ; 
She wields the lash, she forges chains, 

On Independence day ! 

IV. 

Friends of your country — of your race — 

Of Freedom, and of God ! 
Combine Oppression to efface, 

And break the tyrant's rod ; 
All traces of injustice sweep, 

By moral power, away ; 
Then a glorious Jubilee we'll keep, 

On Independence day ! 



' United States, 3'our banner wears 
Two emblems — one of fame ; 
Alas ! the other that it bears, 
Reminds us of your shame. 
The white man's liberty, in types, 
Stands blazoned by your stars; 
But what's the meaning of your stripes? 
They mean your Negroes' scars ! ' — Campbell. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 368 



€ a 1 n 3 E t Ij , 



Amidst the roar of public acclamation — 
The tempest-greetings of a mighty throng — 

The cannon's thundering reverberation — 

The civic fute, with toast, and speech, and song 

The grand * All hail ! ' of a rejoicing nation, 
A million times repeated, loud and long — 

Can one lone voice, all tremulous with feeling. 
Be heard by thee, O glorified Kossuth, 

To all thy noblest attributes appealing. 

As one who knows Oppression's bitter fruit; 

And to thy listening ear the truth revealing. 
When sycophants and cowards all are mute ? 

My claims for audience thou wilt not discredit, 
For they are based on kindred love of Right ; 

And as for Liberty, world-wide to spread it, 
I, too, have suffered outrage, scorn and slight ; 

Known what the dungeon is, yet not to dread it, 
And still am zealous in the moral fight. 

Thou dreaded foe of Austrian oppression. 
With earnest love of liberty imbued, 

Since through America's strong intercession, 
Thy liberation has at last ensued, 

'T is meet thou comest here to give expression 
To thy sincere and heartfelt gratitude. 

But, while thy obligation thus admitting, 
O let it not thy generous soul ensnare ! 

Act thou, while here, a manly part, befitting 
Thy name and fame as one to do and dare, 

Whatc'er the peril of the hour, — acquitting 
Thyself right valiantly, a champion rare. 

Is it for thee to deal in glowing fiction ? 

To call this land great, glorious and free ? 
To take no note of its sad dereliction 



364 



SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

From all that constitutes true liberty ? 
To feel upon thy spirit no restriction 

By aught that thou canst learn, or hear, or see ? 

While this republic thou art warmly thanking, 
For aiding thee once more to breathe free air, 

Three million slaves their galling chains are clanking, 
Heart-broken, bleeding, crushed beyond compare, 

At public sale Avith swine and cattle ranking, 
The wretched victims of complete despair ! 

The government that thou art now extolling. 
As well-deserving measureless applause, 

By its strong arm these millions are enthralling, 
And persecuting those who plead their cause ! — 

O, rank hypocrisjs and guilt appalling ! 

Like Draco's code, in blood are writ its laws. 

For 't is by law the father, son, and brother, 
Know nought of filial or parental ties ; 

By law the sister, daughter, wife, and mother, 
Must claim no kindred here beneath the skies ; 

All, at the fiendish bidding of another, 

Their God-given rights must basely sacrifice. 

By law the fugitives from stripes and fetters, 
AVho seek, like thee, a refuge safe and sure 

From murderous tyrants and their vile abettors, 
Are hunted over mountain, plain and moor; 

Dragged back to slavery, as absconding debtors. 
To toil, like brutes, while life and strength endure. 

By law 'tis criminal the slave to pity. 

To give him food and shelter from his foes ; 

For him no hiding-place in town or city; 
He must be hunted wheresoe'er he goes ; 

And they are branded as a vile banditti, 
"Who for his freedom nobly interpose ! 

Behold what scenes are in our courts transpiring ! 
Behold on trial placed the good and brave 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 365 

For disobedience to the law requiring 

That he whom God made free should be a slave ! 

Arraigned as traitors with a zeal untiring, 
And, if convicted, hurried to the grave ! 

Thou hast proclaimed, in tones like ringing clarion, 

That freedom is the gift of God to all ; 
That as a man, not as a mere Hungarian, 

In its defence thou 'It bravely stand or fall ; 
For Jew and Greek, for Scythian and Barbarian, 

Alike are summoned by its trumpet-call. 

I take thee at thy word, out-spoken hero ! 

Forget not those who are in bondage here ; 
For our humanity now stands at zero, 

And threatens utterly to disappear ; 
Rebuke each merciless plantation Nero ; 

Reprove our land in accents loud and clear ! 

While praising us wherein we are deserving, 

Tell us our faults, — expose our crime of crimes ; 

Be as the needle to the pole unswerving, 

And true to Freedom's standard in all climes ; 

Thus many a timid heart with courage nerving 
To meet the mighty conflict of the times. 

Say slavery is a stain upon our glory. 

Accursed of Heaven, and by the earth abhorred ; 

Show that our soil with negro blood is gory, 
And certain are the judgments of the Lord ; 

So shall thy name immortal be in story, 
And thy fidelity the world applaud. 

Yet first, for this, thou shalt be execrated 

By those who now in crowds around thee prc?s ; 

Thy visit shall be sternly reprobated ; 

Thy friends and flatterers grow less and less ; 

Thy hopes for Hungary be dissipated ; 
America shall curse thee, and not bless. 
31* 



366 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

But if, alas ! thy country's sad condition, 
And need of succor, a pretence be made, 

"Why from thy lips should fall no admonition, 
Lest she should lose our sympathy and aid ; 

No blessing can attend thy selfish mission — 
The cause of freedom thou wilt have betrayed. 

O, shall the millions here in bondage sighing. 
Branded as beasts, and scourged with bloody whips. 

The ' property ' of tyrants God-defying, 
Hear not one word of pity from thy lips ? 

O be not dumb, to thy reproach undying — 
And thy great fame save from a dire eclipse ! 

Courage, Kossuth ! Be true — fear not the trial ! 

Pluck out thy right eye, and thy right hand lose ! 
Though on thy head be poured out every vial, 

To w-ear a padlock on thy lips refuse ! 
And thou shalt gain, through lofty self-denial, 

A brighter crown than all the world can choose.* 



* Lewis Kosslth, the Hungarian leader, having fled to Turkey for protection, 
after the subjugation of Hungary by the allied forces of Austria and Russia, was 
finally extricated from his perilous situation through the intervention of the British 
and American governments, and arrived at New York, December 4th, 1851, where he 
was received with unparalleled popular demonstrations. The hope that he would 
prove true to the principles of impartial freedom, by at least an expression of his 
sorrow and surprise that there should be more than three millions of slaves in a laud 
claiming to be Christian and republican, was soon dissipated by his public declara- 
tion, that it was his determination ' not to mix, and not to be mixed up T\ith what- 
ever domestic concerns of the United States ' —meaning, that he vras resolved to be 
deaf, dumb and blind, concerning American slavery, in order that he might sub- 
serve Hungarian liberty ; acting on the Jesuitical maxim, that ' the end sanctifies 
the means ' ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. o€7 



ln|ir fnr l\)t cEhbUiujJi 



Ye who in bondage pine, 
Shut out from light divine, 

Bereft of hope ; 
"Whose limbs are worn with chains, 
"Whose tears bedew our plains, 
"Whose blood our glory stains, 

In gloom who grope : — 

II. 

Shout I for the hour draws nigh. 
That gives you liberty ! 

And from the dust, 
So long your vile embrace, 
Uprising, take your place 
Among earth's noblest race — 

'Tis right and just ! 

III. 

The night — the long, long night 
Of infamy and slight. 

Shame and disgrace. 
And slavery, worse than e'er 
Rome's serfs were doomed to bear. 
Bloody beyond compare, 

Recedes apace ! 

IV. 

Lorn AfTicn, onro more, 
As proudly as of yore, 

•Shall yet be seen 
Foremost of all the earth 
In learning, beauty, worth — 
By dignity of birth, 

A peerless Queen ! 



368 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 



Speed, speed the hour, O Lord ! 
Speak ! and, at thy dread word. 

Fetters shall fall 
From every limb — the strong 
No more the weak shall wrong. 
But Liberty's sweet song 

Be sung by all ! 



Hopper ! thou venerable friend of man. 

In heart and spirit young, though old in years ; 
The tyrant trembles when thy name he hears, 

And the slave joys thy countenance to scan. 

A friend more true and brave, since time began. 
Humanity has never found : — her fears 
By thee have been dispelled, and wiped the tears 

Adown her sorrow-stricken cheeks that ran. 

If like Napoleon's appears thy face,* 
Thy soul to his bears no similitude ; 

He came to curse, but thou to bless our race — 
Thy hands are white — in blood were his imbrued 

His memory shall be covered with disgrace, 
But thine embalmed among the truly great and good. 



* The resemblance of this venerable Philanthropist, in person and features, to 
Napoleon, was said, by Joseph Bonaparte, to be most remarkable. 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 3G9 



I. 

Up, yc slumberors, one and all ! 

"Welcome in the smiling May ! 
Hear ye not her thrilling call ? 

Will yc waste in bed the day ? 
'Tis a morn for old and young, 
Prodigal of joy and song. 

II. 

See ! the watch-fires of the night, 
One by one, are vanishing: 

What a glorious tide of light 
Issues from Morn's golden spring ! 

Flooding every land and clime, 

Up the sun goes — slow — sublime. 

III. 

Birds of every kind and hue 

Airily are glancing by, 
And with notes expressive, true. 

Fill the air with melody : 
Who would lose their joyous strain ? 
Who, inert, abed remain? 

lY. 

Maiden, witli the flashing eye. 
Quench its brilliance not in sleep ; 

Let thy blushes, mounting high. 
Shame Aurora's color deep ; 

Gather flowers to braid thy hair : 

For a (iuecnly state prepare ! 

V. 

Child, absorbed in sportive dream, 
Be not Slumber's pretty dupe ; 



370 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

Up, and drive the mimic team, 

Fly the kite, or whirl the hoop ; 
Let the music of thy mirth 
In a merry shout have birth ! 

VI. 

Youth, in sweetest visions lying, 
Building worlds with busy thought ; 

Now exulting, smiling, sighing. 

O'er the labors thou hast wrought ; 

Fairest scenes, by Fancy drawn, 

Cannot match so fair a morn. 

VII. 

Manhood, lift thy stately head — 
Stand erect. Creation's lord ! 

Leave the couch by dalliance spread — 
O'er thy empire walk abroad ; 

Earth and sky were made for thee, 

Dressed in royal pageantry. 

VIII. 

All who pine in secret love, 

All whose hopes are high or low, 

Ugly folks, Avho M-ould improve, 

Handsome, who would prettier grow 

Kich and poor, gay, wise and witty, 

Leave, at earliest dawn, the city. 

IX. 

Exercise will use his brushes 

With a Painter's matchless skill, 

Covering palest cheeks with blushes, 
Giving eyes new power to kill : 

O, then, slumber not, I pray — 

Go, and welcome jocund May ! 



WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 371 



Another year, devoted to thy cause, 

O Liberty ! has swiftly fled away : 
Not till the war is over would I pause, 

Nor for my spirit seek a holiday : 

It needs none, for its strength knows no decay. 
This is no time for loitering, while thy foe, 

Oppressiox, seeks thy precious life to slay : 
His hand is raised to give the fatal blow, 
That he may gorge himself afresh with human woe ! 

II. 

Dispensing with all forms, I consecrate 
Anew, this day, my soul to God and thee, 

Keckless of what may be my earthly fate : 
For this I know, that all shall yet be free. 
And God and thou shall gain the victory. 

What though these eyes may ne'er behold the time ? 
A coming age shall hail the jubilee, 

"When men of every caste, complexion, clime. 
Shall burst their chains, and stand in dignity sublime. 

III. 

I care not, tyrants ! for your strength or power. 
Your savage mien, your more than savage rage ; 

It is for you, not for myself, to cower ; 

Sustained by Truth and Right, I dare engage 
Your fierce array, and single combat wage. 

In Freedom's cause one shall a thousand chase. 
And two ten thousand drive from off the stage : 

The brave are never found among the base — 
"Where Innocence is bold. Guilt hides his crimson face ! 

IV. 

"What is before me. Lord, is known to thee ; 
To me all is unknown, except thy will, 



372 SELECTIONS FROM THE WRITINGS OF 

That I in all things should obedient bt?, 

Come weal or woe, come present good or ill- 
Nor fear those who the body only kill. 

Thy will is mine, and let thy will be done ! 
Thy light and love my spirit sweetly fill : — 

Following with zeal the footsteps of thy Son, 
With martyrs I rejoice the Christian race to run. 



E'en to this hour, to public gaze I stand, 
An object feared, rejected, and abhorred ; 

And for ray labors to redeem the land. 
Reproach and infamy are my reward : 
But time shall justice unto me accord. 

To him, who, for Thy sake, takes up his cross, 
Thy promises are rich and sure, O Lord ! — 

Fire from th' adulterate ore extracts but dross, 
But the pure gold sustains, and can sustain, no loss. 

YI. 

Courage, O friends ! a thousand fields are won ! 

Ten thousand foes lie prostrate in the dust ! 
Your task, though onerous, is nearly done ; 

Still in the Lord Jehovah be your trust, 

And victory crowns you, for your cause is just ! 
All yokes and manacles shall yet be riven ; 

The monster Slavery shall die accursed ; 
Sweet freedom to the pining thrall be given. 
And a grand jubilee be kept by Earth and Heaven ! 



APPENDIX 



[From the Boston Liberator of November 7, 1835. ] 

TRIUMPH OF MOBOCRACY IN BOSTON. 

I SHALL give, as far as 1 am capable, an exact and faithful 
account of the ruthless disturbances which took place in 
Boston on Wednesday afternoon, Oct. 21st, and by which this 
city was suddenly transformed into an infuriated pandemo- 
nium. It is the most disgraceful event that has ever marred 
the character of Bostonians, whether reference be made to 
the time of its occurrence, or to the cause which was as- 
sailed, or to those who stood obnoxious to violent treatment. 
The recent pro-slavery meeting in Faneuil Hall supported 
the theory of despotism, and the tumultuous assembly of 
Wednesday carried it mXo practice — trampling all law and 
order, the Constitution and personal liberty, public decorum 
and private decency, common humanity and Christian cour- 
tesy, into the dust. The light of day did not cause a blush, 
nor the certainty of exposure restrain from indecent and 
barbarous behavior, nor profession or station deter ' re- 
spectable, wealthy and influential citizens ' from enacting 
the part of ruffians and anarchists. All distinctions (except- 
ing that of color^ to the honor of the black man be it 
recorded) were blended, for the purpose of gagging the 
advocates of freedom, and infusing new strength into tlie 
arm of the remorseless scourger of Woman at the South. 
The merchant and the aristocrat — the wealthy and the 
learned — the * respectable ' and the 'influential' — the 
professor and the profane — were all huddled together in 
32 



374 APPENDIX. 

thick and formidable array, with every variety of feeling, 
but with one prevalent design, namely, to insult, annoy and 
disperse the Female Anti-Slavery meeting, (brave, gentle- 
manly, chivalric men !) and to tar-and-feather, or put to 
death, George Thompson or myself! Was it not a sub- 
lime spectacle to behold four or five thousand genteel ruffians 
courageously assembling together, to achieve so hazardous 
an exploit as the putting to flight one man and thirty 
defenceless females ? 

As the scenes of the last week are historically connected 
with those of the present, it is necessary to recapitulate 
them, in order that the beginning and the end of the late 
tumult may be seen at a glance by the reader ; and that 
Boston, the boasted Cradle of Liberty, may obtain every 
particle of that infamous renown which she has so dearly 
earned, and of which she seems so insanely covetous. 

The Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society has been in 
operation about three years, humbly aiding with its prayers 
and limited means the cause of bleeding humanity, and 
gradually increasing both in number and efficiency. Its 
members are industrious, estimable, intellectual and devout 
women, and exemplary mothers, wives and daughters. He 
who sneers at them, knowing their true character, must be 
destitute of honor, virtue and benevolence ; and he who 
aims to suppress their association must first drag them to 
the stake, and consume then; to ashes, before he can suc- 
ceed. They are worthy to be ranked with the females of 
Great Britain, to whose untiring effi^rts eight hundeed 
THOUSAND slaves in the Bntish Colonies are mainly indebted 
for their emancipation — and what higher praise need be 
given ? Hear what the great Irish champion of freedom — 
the fearless and eloquent O'Connell — said, in relation to the 
merits of the women, in his sublime and spirit-stirring speech, 
delivered in Exeter Hall, London, July 13, 1833 : 

» I have, however, moments of exquisite delight. I remember 
that 1,500,000 of the people of this country have joined in petition- 
ing Parliament for the total and immediate abolition of slaver}'. 
(Cheers.) O, blessings upon them ! Every age, every station, 
nay, every sex, has united in these petitions. THE \YOMEN OE 
ENGLAND HAVE LED THE WAY; and imdcr the banners 
of the maids and matrans of Englandy proud must that Individ- 



APPENDIX. 375 

ual be, who shall have an opportunity of telling them, " A( ymir 
command we have doni our duty, and slavery is at ax end!" 
(Cheers.^ A ruffian in this country taunted the females who signed 
the petitions, In- calling them the Dorothys, and Tabiihas, and 
Priscillas. I stigmatized him as a rufhan, in my place in Parlia- 
ment ; and I stigmatize him as such licrc. (Loud cheers.) ' 

The constitutional period for holding the annual meeting 
of the Society occurred last week ; and, accordingly, the 
Secretary gave public notice that the meeting would be held 
on Wednesday afternoon, Oct. 14, at Congress Hall, and 
that an address would be delivered on the occasion by 
George Thompson, at the request of the Society. It did 
not occur to the members, (but, surely, their forgetfulness is 
a pardonable offence,) that they were not competent to con- 
duct their own business, or to choose a speaker to address 
them, without suitable instructions from the upholders of 
Southern slavery ; and that they were solemnly bound to 
inquire of the editorial creatures who manage the Commer- 
cial Gazette, and Atlas, and Courier, and Centinel, — when, 
where, and how to assemble, and whom to invite to be pre- 
sent, and the proper manner of conducting their meeting. 
They felt perfectly able to transact all the business of the 
Society, independently of the assistance of profligate and 
impudent intermeddlers ; nor could they readily believe 
that any thing in the shape of a man could be so lost to 
shame, or so great a dastard, as to assail their meeting in 
broad daylight, or threaten the personal safety of any of 
their number. 

It was summarily stated in the Liberator of last week, 
that the reading of their notice from some of the pulpits on 
the preceding Sabbath excited the amiable fury and holy 
horror of many a hypocrite and pharisee — of those who 
take tithe of mint, anise and cummin, and neglect the 
weightier matters of the law, judgment, mercy and fliith — 
in the various congregations; — that the Commercial 
Gazette, Courier, and Centinel, of Tuesday, put forth 
violent and seditious articles respecting the meeting, for tiie 
purpose of inflaming the worst passions of a slavery-loving 
community against it; — that, in consequence of the furious 
tone of those papers, and the alarming symptoms of a riot, 
the lessee of Congress Hall felt it to be his duty, as the 



376 APPENDIX. 

only chance of preserving his property from destruction, 
publicly to forbid the Society occupying the hall; — that, 
being thus unexpectedly deprived of a place in which to 
assemble, the Society advertised in the morning papers of 
Wednesday, that the meeting was necessarily postponed 
until further notice ; — that, notwithstanding their advertise- 
ment, a crowd of ' respectable and well-dressed ' disturbers 
of the public peace gathered tumultuously around the hall, 
vainly hoping to seize Mr. Thompson, that they might vent 
their murderous spite upon his person ; — that, being falsely 
told that the Society was holding its meeting at liitchie Hall, 
thither they rushed with frantic joy, and finding a meeting 
■of the Ladies' Moral Reform Society convened together in 
the hall, they behaved so infamously as to cause its disper- 
sion ; — that, in the sequel, the Mayor made his appearance, 
and succeeded in causing the riotous ' gentlemen of re- 
spectability and influence ' to withdraw, by assuring them 
that the object of their hatred was not in the city — &c. &c. 
This unmanly, impertinent and anomalous procedure 
failed to intimidate the members of the Female Anti-Slavery 
Society, or to convince them that they ought not to hold 
their annual meeting, agreeably to the precept of their Con- 
stitution. They were made of sterner stuff, and had too 
clear an apprehension of the duty which they owed to God, 
their country, and the perishing slaves, to be driven from a 
lawful and holy purpose by an irruption of Goths and Van- 
dals upon their assembly. To retreat, under such circum- 
stances, would savor of apostacy from the cross of Christ ; 
and to be passive, would seem to argue an imbecilhy of 
<mind, a lack of Christian faith, or a sacrifice of principle. 
They were not requested, by their shameless assailants, to 
^postpone or suspend their meeting for a limited time, on the 
«core of expediency ; but they were virtually commanded 
to desist, at once and for ever, on the ground of brutal 
authority, from their Christ-like design to bind up the 
hroken-hearted, to open the prison-doors, and to set the cap- 
tive free. They were threatened as slaves, not kindly 
advised as equals. They had no other alternative, therefore, 
than to move steadily onward to the Regular discharge of 
their duty, or to be branded as recreants to a cause which 
they had pledged to support, under all circumstances, and 



APPENDIX. 377 

through all perils. Accordingly, they gave public informa- 
tion to the ladies of Boston, that their meeting would be 
held in the Anti-Slavery Hall, 46, Washington street, on 
Wednesday afternoon, Oct. 21, at 3 o'clock, and that sev- 
eral addresses might be expected on the occasion. It was 
not advertised that Mr. Thompson - ould attend, nor was 
his presence deemed to be essential or expedient, either by 
himself or the Society. He therefore left the city on Tues- 
day, that there might be no pretext for causing an interrup- 
tion of the meeting on the ensuing day. The aspect of 
things looked tranquil until Wednesday morning, when 
inflammatory articles appeared in some of the daily papers, 
and it was stated that several store-keepers, in the immedi- 
ate vicinity of the hall, had petitioned the Mayor and Alder- 
men to suppress the meetino", as it might endanger their 
property by causing a riot! Yes, to accommodate their sel- 
fishness, they declared that the liberty of speech, and the 
right to assemble in an associated capacity peaceably 
together, should be unlawfully and forcibly taken away from 
an estimable portion of the' community, by the officers of 
our city — the humble servants of the people! Benedict 
Arnold's treachery to the cause of liberty and his bleeding 
country was no worse than this. As properly might they 
have petitioned for leave to slaughter every man who should 
venture to maintain the exploded doctrine, that all men are 
created equal. Such sordid men would sell their country 
for less than thirty pieces of silver, under favorable circum- 
stances. If they felt that the safety of their goods would 
be endangered by the contemplated' meeting, — or, rather, 
by the ruffians who had conspired to break it up, — they- 
had an unquestionable right to warn the city authorities of 
the fact, and to demand a'dequate protection, but not to ask 
for the suppression of a benevolent and lawful meeting. Of 
course, — however much inclined they might have been, in 
spirit, to comply with so daring a request, — the Mayor and 
Aldermen comprehended the limitation of their authority 
too well, and had too much respect even for the equivocal 
patriotism of the people, to interpose their authority. A 
seditious and blood-thirsty placard, — printed, I presume, at 
the office of the Commercial Gazette, — was circulated 
through the city, stating that * the infamous foreign scoun- 
.32* 



378 APPENDIX. 

drel, Thompson,' would hold forth in the Anti-Slavery Hall, 
in the afternoon ; that ' the present was a fair opportunity 
for the friends of the Union to snake him out "■ ; and that ' a 
purse of 8100 had been raised by a number of patriotic 
citzens to reward the individual who should first lay violent 
hands upon him, so that he might be brought to the tar- 
kettle before dark.' In consequence of the inflammatory 
state of the public mind, the Mayor, Theodoee Lyman, sent 
a deputy to the Anti-Slavery Office, to ascertain whether 
Mr. Thompson contemplated addressing the meeting ; for, if 
he did not, the Mayor said he wished to be enabled to apprise 
the multitude of the fact, and thus induce them to retire — 
or, if he did, the Mayor was anxious seasonably to enrol an 
efficient constabulary force to protect the meeting and pre- 
serve order. As this information was asked, not as a matter 
of right, but seemingly with just intentions, 1 sent word to 
the Mayor, that the Female Anti-Slavery Society could not 
feel obligated, at any man's bidding, either to suppress or to 
publish the names of those whom they had invited to speak at 
their meeting ; but, as I trusted that his request was made in 
the spirit of kindness, and not of impertinence or domina- 
tion, I felt not only willing but desirous to inform him, that 
Mr. Thompson was not in the city, nor would he be present 
at the meeting, and that he might make proclamation to that 
effect to all who should assemble for riotous purposes. 

As the meeting was to commence at 3 o'clock, P. M., I 
went to the hall about twenty minutes before that time. 
Perhaps a hundred individuals had already gathered around 
the street door and opposite to the building, and their number 
was rapidly augmenting. On ascending into the hall, I 
found about fifteen or twenty ladies assembled, sitting with 
serene countenances, and a crowd of noisy intruders 
(mostly young men) gazing upon them, through whom I 
urged my way with considerable difficulty. ' That's Garri- 
son,' was the exclamation of some of their number, as I 
quietly took my seat. Perceiving they had no intention of 
retiring, I went to them and calmly said — ^Gentlemen, 
perhaps you are not aware that this is a meeting of the 
Boston Female Anti-Slavery Society, called and intended 
exclusively for ladies, and those only who have been invited 
to address them. Understanding this fact, you will not be 



APPENDIX. 379 

SO rude or indecorous as to thrust your presence upon this 
meeting. If, gentlemen^'' I pleasantly continued, ' any of you 
are ladies — in disguise — why, only apprise me of the 
fact, give me your names, and I will introduce you to the 
rest of your sex, and you can take seats among them 
accordingly.' I then sat down, and, for a few moments, 
their conduct was more orderly. However, the stair-way 
and upper door of the hall were soon densely filled with a 
brazen-faced crew, whose behavior grew more and more 
indecent and outrageous. Perceiving that it would be im- 
practicable for me, or any other person, to address the 
ladies ; and believing, as I was the only male abolitionist in 
the hall, that my presence would serve as a pretext for the 
mob to annoy the meeting, I held a short colloquy with the 
excellent President of the Society, telling her that I would 
withdraw, unless she particularly desired me to stay. It 
was her earnest wish that I would retire, as well for my 
own safety as for the peace of the meeting. She assured 
me that the Society would resolutely but calmly proceed to 
the transaction of its business, and leave the issue with God. 
I left the hall accordingly, and would have left the building, 
if the stair-case had not been crowded to excess. This 
being impracticable, I retired into the Anti-Slavery Office, 
(which is separated from the hall by a board partition,) 
accompanied by my friend, Mr. Charles C. Burleigh. It was 
deemed prudent to lock the door, to prevent the mob from 
rushing in and destroying our publications. 

In the mean time, the crowd in the street had augmented 
from a hundred to thousands. The cry was for 'Thomp- 
son ! Thompson ! ' — but the Mayor had now arrived, and, 
addressing the rioters, he assured them that Mr. Thompson 
was not in the city, and besought them to disperse. As 
well might he have attempted to propitiate a troop of raven- 
ous wolves. None went away — but the tumult continued 
momentarily to increase. It was apparent, therefore, that 
the hostility of the throng was not concentrated upon Mr. 
Thompson, but that it was as deadly against the Society and 
the Anti-Slavery cause. This fact is worthy of special 
note — for it inconlestably proves that the object of these 
' respectable and influential ' rioters was to put down the 



380 APPENDIX. 

cause of emancipation, and that Mr. Thompson merely 
furnished a pretext for their lawless acts ! 

Let not any, therefore, who are disposed to be friendly to 
our cause, suppose that Mr. Thompson is the chief, or even 
the slightest obstacle in the way of its triumph, or that his 
departure would bring popularity and repose to the aboli- 
tionists. Is James G. Birney, or Theodore D. Weld, or 
William Jay, or Arthur Tappan, treated more tenderly than 
George Thompson by the enemies of liberty ? No. Their 
grand design, then, is not simply to drive an English phi- 
lanthropist from our shores, but to maltreat, gag and enslave 
American, native-born Citizens ! The struggle is 
between Right and Wrong — Liberty and Slavery — Chris- 
tianity and Atheism — Northern Freemen and Southern 
Taskmasters. The great question to be settled is not merely 
whether 2,000,000 slaves in our land shall be immediately 
or gradually emancipated — or whether they shall be colo- 
nized abroad or retained in our midst ; but whether freedom 
is with us — THE People of the United States — a 
reality or a mockery ; — whether the liberty of speech and of 
the press, purchased with the toils and sufferings and pre- 
cious blood of our fathers, is still to be enjoyed, unques- 
tioned and complete — or whether *padlocks are to be put 
upon our lips, gags into our mouths, and shackles upon that 
great palladium of human rights, the press; — whether the 
descendants of the Pilgrim Fathers, the sons of those who 
fell upon Bunker Hill, and the plains of Lexington and 
Concord, are to fashion their thoughts and opinions, and to 
speak or be dumb, and to walk freely or with a chain upon 
their spirit, and to stand upright or to crook the knee, and to 
obey Jehovah or worship Mammon, at the bidding of South- 
ern slave-drivers and oppressors ; — whether the truths of 
the Declaration of Independence are still to be acknowl- 
edged as ' self-evident,' and valuable beyond all price — or 
whether they are to be regarded as ingenious fictions and 
mere ' rhetorical flourishes'; — whether Equity, and Law, 
and Public Order, are to be enforced, irrespective of politi- 
cal or religious opinions — or whether Jacobinism, Anarchy 
and Confusion are to reign in our midst, to the prostration 
of all that makes life a blessing and society desirable ; — 



APPENDIX. 381 

wiiclber citizens, guiltless of crime, arc to walk without 
molestation, and to repose without danger, and to assemble 
together without hindrance — or whether tiiey arc to be 
seized with impunity by lawless ruffians, dragged ignomini- 
ously through the streets, thrust into prison, and forced to 
fly from the endearments of home, for self-preservation. 
Nay, more. It is a question of life and death to this nation — 
of Christian freedom and abject bondage — that we have 
now to decide. I rejoice, and thank God, tliat it assumes 
such a shape, and is presented at such a crisis. The peo- 
ple — blinded and misled for a time — will in the end see 
and decide aright. Wo, then, to their deceivers! A tide 
of indignation shall sweep them from the high places of 
power, and sink them into the lowest depths of infamy. 
New England will settle this question — for herself, the 
nation, and the world. Ere long, I have faith to believe, 

♦ From her Green Mountains to the Sea, 
One voice shall thunder — We are free.'' 

But even if the sun of her own liberty has set for ever, still, 
the discussion of this great question can never be suppressed, 
so long as a single abolitionist is left alive upon her soil. 
Slaughter-houses must be erected in every town and village, 
and the scenes of the French revolution be re-enacted ; 
and men and women, and children even, put to death by 
human butchers, until the earth be drunk with blood, and 
the slain cease to find a covering for their multilated bodies. 
The victims are ready to he sacrificed — throughout.- the 
Commonwealth, and all over the land — a noble company 
of martyrs ! Is Boston prepared to commence the work of 
extermination 1 

Notwithstanding the presence and frantic behavior of the 
rioters in the hall, the meeting of the Society was regularly 
called to order by the President.* . She then read a select 
and an exceedingly appropriate portion of Scri|)ture, and 
offered up a fervent prayer to God for direction and succor, 
and the forgiveness of enemies and revilers. It was an 



* The lute Miss Mauy Paukku. 



382 APPENDIX. 

awful, sublime and soul-thrilling scene — enough, one would 
suppose, to melt adamantine hearts, and make even fiends 
of darkness stagger and retreat. Indeed, the clear, untrem- 
ulous tone of voice of that Christian heroine in prayer, 
occasionally awed the ruffians into silence, and was heard 
distinctly even in the midst of their hisses, yells and 
curses — for they could not long silently endure the agony 
of conviction, and their conduct became furious. They 
now attempted to break down the partition, and partially 
succeeded ; but that little band of women still maintained 
their ground unshrinkingly, and endeavored to transact their 
business. 

An assault was now made upon the door of the office, 
the lower panel of which was instantly dashed to pieces. 
Stooping down, and glaring upon me as 1 sat at the desk, 
writing an account of the riot to a distant friend, the ruffians 
cried out — 'There he is! That's Garrison! Out whh 
the scoundrel ! ' &c. &c. Turning to Mr. Burleigh I said — 
'You may as well open the door, and let them come in and 
do their worst.' But he, whh great presence of mind, went 
out, locked the door, put the key into his pocket, and by his 
admirable firmness succeeded in keeping the office safe. 

Two or three constables having cleared the hall and stair- 
case of the mob, the Mayor came in and ordered the ladies 
to desist, assuring them that he could not any longer guar- 
antee protection, if they did not take immediate advantage 
of the opportunity to retire from the*building. Accordingly, 
they adjourned, to meet at the house of one of their num- 
ber, for the completion of their business ; but as they passed 
through the crowd, thej^ were greeted with taunts, hisses, 
and cheers of mobocratic triumph,, from ' gentlemen of 
property and standing from all parts of the city.' Even their 
absence did not diminish the throng. Thompson was not 
there — the ladies were not there — but ' Garrison is 
there ! ' was the cry. ' Garrison ! Garrison ! We must 
have Garrison ! Out with him ! Lynch him ! ' These 
and numberless other exclamations arose from the multitude. 
For a moment, their attention was diverted from me to 
the Anti-Slavery sign, and they vociferously demanded its 
possession. It is pamful to state, that the Mayor promptly 
complied with their demand ! So agitated and alarmed had 



APPENDIX. 383 

he become, that, in very weakness of spirit, he ordered the 
sign to be hurled to t^ie ground, and it was instantly broken 
into a thousand fragments by the infuriated poj)ulace. O, 
lamentable departure from duty — O, shameful outrage upon 
private property — by one who had sworn, not to destroy, 
but to protect property — not to pander to the lawless 
desires of a mob, however ' wealthy and respectable,' but 
to preserve the public peace. The act was wholly unjusti- 
fiable. The Mayor might have as lawfully surrendered me 
to the tender mercies of the mob, or ordered the building 
itself to be torn down, in order to propitiate them, as to 
have removed that sign. Perhaps — nay, probably, he was 
actuated by kind intentions ; probably he hoped that he 
should thereby satisfy the ravenous appetites of these 
human cormorants, and persuade them to retire ; probably 
he trusted thus to extricate me from danger. But the 
sequel proved that he only gave a fresh stimulus to popular 
fury ; and if he could have saved my life, or the *vhole city 
from destruction, by that single act, still he ought not to 
have obeyed the mandate of the mob — no indeed! He 
committed a public outrage in the presence of the lawless 
and disobedient, and thus strangely expected to procure obe- 
dience to and a respect for the law ! lie behaved disorderly 
before rebels, that he might restore order among them ! 
Mr. Henry Williams and Mr. John L. Dimmock also 
deserve severe reprehension for their forwardness in taking 
down the sign. The offence, under such circumstances, was 
very heinous. The value of the article destroyed was of 
no consequence ; but the principle involved in its surrender 
and sacrifice is one upon which civil government, private 
property and individual liberty depend. 

The sign being demolished, the cry for ' Garrison ! ' was 
renewed, more loudly than ever. It was now apparent, 
that the multitude would not disperse until I had left the 
building ; and as egress out of the front door was impossi- 
ble, the Mayor and his assistants, as well as some of my 
friends, earnestly besought me to effect my escape in the 
rear of the building. At this juncture, an abolition brother, 
whose mind had not been previously settled on the j)cacc 
question, in his anguish and alarm for my safety, and in 
view, of the helplessness of the civil authority, said — 'I 



384 APPENDIX. 

must henceforth repudiate the principle of non-resistance. 
When the civil arm is powerless, my own rights are trodden 
in the dust, and the lives of my friends are put in imminent 
peril by ruffians, I will hereafter stand ready to defend myself 
and them at all hazards.' Putting my hand upon his 
shoulder,'! said, ' Hold, my dear brother ! You know not 
what spirit you are of. Of what value or utility are the 
principles of peace and forgiveness, if we may repudiate 
them in the hour of peril and suffering ? Do you wish to 
become like one of those violent and blood-thirsty men who 
are seeking my life ? Shall we give blow for blow, and 
array sword against sword ? God forbid ! I will perish 
sooner than raise my hand against any man, even in self- 
defence, and let none of my friends resort to violence for 
my protection. If my life be taken, the cause of emanci- 
pation will not suffer. God reigns — his throne is undis- 
turbed by this storm — he will make the wrath of man to 
praise him^ and the remainder he will restrain — his omnip- 
otence will at length be victorious.' 

Preceded by my faithful and beloved friend Mr. J 

E- C , I dropped from a back window on to a shed, 

and narrowly escaped falling headlong to the ground. We 
entered into a carpenter's shop, through which we attempted 
to get into Wilson's Lane, but found our retreat cut off by 
the mob. They raised a shout as soon as we came in sight, 
but the proprietor promptly closed the door of his shop, kept 
them at bay for a time, and thus kindly afforded me an 
opportunity to find some other passage. I told Mr. C. it 
would be futile to attempt to escape — I would go out to the 
mob, and let them deal with me as they might elect ; but he 
thought it was my duty to avoid them, as long as possible. 
We then went up stairs, and finding a vacancy in one 
corner of the room, I got into it, and he and a young lad 
piled up some boards in front of me, to shield me from 
observation. In a few minutes, several ruffians broke into 
the chamber, who seized Mr. C. in a rough manner, and led 
him out to the view of the mob, saying, 'This is not Garri- 
son, but Garrison's and Thompson's friend, and he says he 
knows where Garrison is, but won't tell.' Then a shout of 
exultation was raised by the mob, and what became of him 
I do not know ; thdugh, as I was immediately discovered, I 



APPENDIX. 385 

presume he escaped without material injury. On seeing 
me, three or four of the rioters, uttering a yell, furiously 
dragged me to the window, with the intention of hurlin"- me 
from that height to the ground ; but one of them relented, 
and said — 'Don't let us kill him outright.' So they drew 
me backhand coiled a rope about my body — probably to 
drag me through the streets. I bowed to the mob, and 
requesting them to wait patiently until I could descend, went 
down upon a ladder that was raised for that purpose. I 
fortunately extricated myself from the rope, and was seized 
by two or three of the leading rioters, powerful and athletic 
men, by whom I was dragged along bareheaded, (for my 
hat had been knocked off and cut in pieces on the spot,) 
a friendly voice in the crowd shouting, ' He shan't be hurt ! 
He is, an American ! ' This seemed to excite sympathy 
in the breasts of some others, and they reiterated the same 
cry. Blows, however, were aimed at my head by such as 
were of a cruel spirh, and at last they succeeded in tearing 
nearly all my clothes from my body. Thus was I dragged 
through Wilson's Lane into State street, in the rear of the 
City Hall, over the ground that was stained with the blood 
of the first martyrs in the cause of Liberty and Independ- 
ence, in the memorable massacre of 1770 ; and upon 
which was proudly unfurled, only a few years since, with 
joyous acclamations, the beautiful banner presented to the 
gallant Poles by the young men of Boston ! What a scan- 
dalous and revolting contrast ! My offence was in pleading 
for liberty — liberty for my enslaved countrymen, colored 
though they be — liberty of speech and of the press for 
ALL ! And upon that ' consecrated spot,' I was made an 
object of derision and scorn, some portions of my person 
being in a state of entire nudity. 

They proceeded with me in the direction of the City Hall, 
the cry being raised, ' To the Common ! ' whether to give 
me a coat of tar and feathers, or to throw me into the pond, 
was problematical. As we approached the south door, the 
Mayor attempted to protect me by his presence ; but as he 
was unassisted by any show of authority or force, lie was 
quickly thrust aside ; and now came a tremendous rush on 
the part of the mob to prevent my entering the hall. For 
a time, the conflict was desperate ; but at length a rescue 
33 



386 APPENDIX. 

was effected by a posse that came to the help of the Mayor, 
by whom I was carried up into the Mayor's room. 

In view of my denuded condition, one individual in the 
Post Office below stairs kindly lent me a pair of pantaloons ; 
another, a coat; a third, a stock; a fourth, a cap — &c. 
After a brief consultation, (the mob densely surrounding the 
City Hall, and threatening the safety of the Post Office,) 
the Mayor and his advisers said my life depended upon com- 
mitting me to jail, ostensibly as a disturber of the peace ! ! 
Accordingly, a hack was go't in readiness at the door ; 
and, supported by Sheriff Parkman and Ebenezer Bailey, 
Esq., (the Mayor leading the way,) I was put into it 
without much difficulty, as I was not at first identified in my 
new garb. But now a scene occurred that baffles the power 
of description. As the ocean, lashed into fury by the spirit 
of the storm, seeks to whelm the adventurous bark beneath 
its mountain waves, so did the mob, enraged by a series of 
disappointments, rush like a whirlwind upon the frail vehicle 
in which I sat, and endeavor to drag me out of it. Escape 
seemed a physical impossibiUty. They clung to the 
wheels — dashed open the doors — seized hold of the 
horses — and tried to upset the carriage. They were, how- 
ever, vigorously repulsed by the police — a constable sprang 
in by my side — the doors were closed — and the driver, 
lustily using his whip upon the bodies. of his horses and the 
heads of the rioters, happily made an opening through 
the crowd, and drove at a tremendous speed for Leverett 
street. But many of the rioters followed even whh superior 
swiftness, and repeatedly attempted to arrest the progress of 
the horses. To reach the jail by a direct course was found 
impracticable ; and after going in a circuitous direction, and 
encountering many ' hair-breadth 'scapes,' we drove up to 
this new and last refuge of liberty and life, when another 
desperate attempt was made to seize me by the mob, but in 
vain. In a few moments, I was locked up in a cell, safe 
from my persecutors, accompanied by two delightful asso- 
ciates, — a good conscience and a cheerful mind. In the 
course of the evening, several of my friends came to my 
grated window, to sympathize and confer with me, with 
whom I held a strengthening conversation until the hour of 
retirement, when I threw myself upon my prison-bed, and 



APPENDIX. 387 

slept tranquilly. In the morning, I inscribed upon the walls 
of my cell, with a pencil, the following lines : 

' Wm. Lloyd Garrison was put into this cell on Wednesday 
afternoon, Oct. 21, 1835, to save him from the violence of a 
"respectable and influential" mob, who sought to destroy 
him for preaching the abominable and dangerous doctrine, 
that " all men arc created equal," and that all oppression is 
odious in the sight of God. " Hail, Columbia ! " Cheers 
for the Autocrat of Russia, and the Sultan of Turkey ! 

' Reader, let this inscription remain till the last slave in 
this despotic land be loosed from his fetters.' 

' When peace within the bosom reigns, 

And conscience gives th' approving voice ; 
Though bound the human form in chains, 
Yet can the soul aloud rejoice. 

' 'Tis true, my footsteps are confined — 

I cannot range beyond this cell ; — 
But what can circumscribe my mind? 

To chain the winds attempt as Avell ! ' 

* Confine me as a prisoner — but bind me not as a slave. 
Punish me as a criminal — but hold me not as a chattel. 
Torture me as a man — but drive me not like a beast. 
Doubt my sanity — but acknowledge my immortality.' 

In the course of the forenoon, after passing through the 
mockery of an examination, for form's sake, before Judge 
Whitman, I was released from prison ; but, at the earnest 
solicitation of the city authorities, in order to tranquillize 
the public mind, I deemed it proper to leave the city for a 
few days, accompanied by my wife, whose shuation was 
such as to awaken the strongest solicitude for her life. 

My thanks are due to SiicrifF Parkman, for various acts 
of politeness rfnd kindness ; as also to Sheriff Sumner, Mr. 
Coolidge, Mr. Andrews, and several other gentlemen. 

I have been thus minute in describing the rise, progress 
and termination of this disgraceful riot, in order to prevent 
(or rather to correct) false representations and exaggerated 
reports respecting it and myself. It is proper lo subjoin a 
few reflections. 



388 APPENDIX. 



1. The outrage was perpetrated in Boston — the Cradle 
of Liberty — the city of Hancock and Adams — the head- 
quarters of refinement, literature, intelligence and religion ! 
No comments can add to the infamy of this fact. 

2. It was perpetrated in the open daylight of heaven, and 
was therefore most unblushino; and darins; in its features. 

3. It was against the friends of human freedom — the 
liberty of speech — the right of association — and in sup- 
port of the vilest slavery that ever cursed the world. 

4. It was a dastardly assault of thousands upon a small 
body of helpless females. 

5. It was planned and executed, not by the rabble, or the 
working-men, but by ' gentlemen of property and standing 
from all parts of the city ' ; and now, that time has been 
afforded for reflection, it is still either openly justified or 
coldly disapproved by the 'higher classes,' and exultation 
among them is general throughout the city. 

6. It is virtually approved by all the daily presses, except 
the Daily Advocate and the Daily Reformer. These inde- 
pendent presses have spoken out in a tone worthy of the 
best days of the revolution. 

7. It is evidently winked at by the city authorities. No 
efforts have been made to arrest any of the rioters. The 
Mayor has made no public appeal to the citizens to preserve 
order ; nor has he given any assurance that the right of free 
discussion shall be enjoyed without molestation ; nor did he 
array any military force against the mob, or attempt to dis- 
perse them, except by useless persuasion ; on the contrary, 
he complied with their wishes in tearing down the anti- 
slavery sign. He was chairman, too, of the pro-slavery 
meeting in Faneuil Hall, at which Washington was cheered 
for having been a slaveholder ! 

What will be the effect of this riot } Will it cause one 
abolitionist to swerve from the faith } Will it prevent either 
men or women from assembling together, tcT devise ways 
,and means for the destruction of the slave system > Will 
it stop the freedom of discussion } Will it put down the 
Liberator } Will it check the growth of the anti-slavery 
cause .? Will it slacken my efforts .? No ! It will have a 
contrary effect. It will humble the pride of this city ; it 
will rouse up and concentrate all that is left of the free 



APPENDIX. 38) 

spirit of our fatliers ; it will excite sympathy for the perse- 
cuted, and indignation against the persecutors ; it will niulti- 
ply sterling converts to our doctrines ; it will increase the 
circulation of anti-slavery writings ; it will substitute a thou- 
sand agitators in the place of one, and make the discussion 
of slavery paramount to all other topics ; it will make the 
triumph of truth over error, and of liberty over oppression, 
and of law* over jacobinism, and of republicanism over 
aristocracy, more signal and glorious ; it will enable the most 
blind to see that the existence of Southern slavery is incom- 
patible with the exercise of the rights and privileges of 
Northern freemen ; and it will nerve my arm to strike 
heavier blows than ever upon the head of the monster 
Oppression. We give our enemies their choice of weap- 
ons, and conquer them easily. The truth that we utter is 
impalpable, yet real : it cannot be thrust down by brute 
force, nor pierced with a dagger, nor bribed with gold, nor 
overcome by the application of a coat of tar and feathers. 
The CAUSE that we espouse is the cause of human liberty, 
formidable to tyrants, and dear to the oppressed, throughout 
the world — containing the elements of immortality, sublime 
as heaven, and far-reaching as eternity — embracing every 
interest that appertains to the welfare of the bodies and 
souls of men, and sustained by the omnipotence of the Lord 
Almighty. The principles that we inculcate are those of 
equity, mercy and love, as set forth in the glorious gospel of 
the blessed God — without partiality and without hypocrisy, 
and full of good fruits. In the midst of tribulation, there- 
fore, we rejoice, and count it all honor to suffer in the cause 
of our dear Redeemer. ' God is our refuge and strength, 
a very present help in trouble : Therefore will not we fear, 
though the earth be removed, and though the mountains be 
carried into the midst of the sea.' ' Gird thy sword upon 
thy thigh, O Most Mighty, with thy glory and thy majesty ; 
and in thy majesty ride prosperously, because of truth, and 
meekness, and righteousness; and thy right hand shall teach 
thee terrible things.' 

WM. LLOYD GARRISON. 
33* 



390 APPENDIX. 

[ From the Boston Liberator of November 7, 1835. ] 

LETTER PROM GEORGE THOMPSON. 

Thursday Evening, Oct. 22, 1835. 

My Dear Friend and Fellow-Laborer in the Cause 
OF Freedom for Two Millions Two Hundred and 
Fifty Thousand American Slaves : * 

Since despatching the few hasty lines which I wrote you 
on receipt of the news of yesterday's proceedings in Boston, 
I have yielded to a strong impulse to address you a longer 
communication, more fully expressive of the views and feel- 
ings whh which the signs of the times have inspired me. I 
despair, however, of finding words to express adequately the 
deep sympathy I cherish with you in the midst of your trials 
and persecutions, and the feelings of my soul, as I contem- 
plate passing events, and follow out to its ultimate results 
the headlong wickedness of this generation. Surely, we can 
enter somewhat into the experience of the lamenting prophet, 
when he exclaimed, ' O that my head were waters, and mine 
eyes a fountain of tears, that I might weep day and night for 
the sins of this people ! ' 

How unutterably affecting is a view of the present aspect 
of the country ! The enslavement of the colored population 
seems to be but one of a hideous host of evils, threatening 
in their combined influence the overthrow of the fairest 
prospects of this wide republic. Of the abolition of slavery 
I feel certain. Its doom is sealed. I read it in the holy and 
inflexible resolves of thousands who are coming up to the 
contest with the spirit of martyrs, and in the strength and 
under the leadership of Jehovah. I read it in the blind fury 
and unmitigated malignity of Southern tyrants and their 
Northern participants in crime. I read it in the gathering 
frown and bursting indignation of Christendom. The con- 
summation of our hopes draws nigh. The times are preg- 
nant with great events. America must witness another rev- 
olution, and the second will be far more illustrious in its 
results than the first. The second will be a moral revolution ; 
a struggle for higher, holier, more catholic, more patriotic 
principles : and the weapons of our warfare will not be car- 



APPENDIX. 391 

nal, but mighty through God to the pulHng down of- strong 
holds. During the progress of this latter revolution will be 
witnessed the advent of ' Liberty,' in the true sense of that 
now much abused and perverted name : 

* O spring to light, auspicious babe, be born ! ' 

While, however, I have no fears respecting the ultimate 
effectuation of the object so dear to our hearts, I have many 
fears for the perpetuity of this nation as a Republic, for the 
continuance of these States as a Union, for the existence of 
that Constitution, which, properly respected and maintained, 
would bless the country and the world. These fears do not 
arise from any tendency to such results in the principles of 
abolition in themselves considered. Those principles are 
conservative of the peace, and happiness, and security of 
the nation ; and, if voluntarily acted upon, would heal many 
of the feuds and animosities which have endangered the 
integrity of the Union. My fears are founded upon the 
symptoms, every where exhibited, of an approach to mob- 
supremacy, and consequent anarchy. In every direction I 
see the minority prostrate before the majority ; who, despite 
of law, the Constitution, and natural equity, put their heel 
upon the neck of the weaker portion, and perpetrate every 
enormity in the name of ' public opinion.' ' Public opin- 
ion ' is at this hour the demon of oppression, harnessing to 
the ploughshare of ruin, the ignorant and interested oppo- 
sers of the truth, in every section of this heaven-favored, l3ut 
mob-cursed land. Already the Constitution lies prostrate — 
an insulted, wounded, impotent form. A thousand hands are 
daily uplifted to send assassin daggers to its heart. Look 
on the pages of the daily press, and say, if traitors to liberty 
and the Constitution are not sedulously schooling a hood- 
winked multitude to commit a suicidal act upon their own 
boasted freedom ' Count (if they can be counted) the dis- 
turbances occurring all over the land, and say, is not mob- 
supremacy the order of the day ? Where is the freedom of 
speech ? where the right of association ? where the securi- 
ty of national conveyances? where the inviolability of per- 
sonal liberty ? where the sanctity of the domestic circle ? 
where the protection of property ? where the prerogatives 



392 APPENDIX. 

of the judge? where the trial by jury? Gone, or fast dis- 
appearing. The minority in every place speak, and write, 
and meet, and walk, at the peril of their lives. I speak not 
now exclusively of the Anti- Abolition mania, which has 
more recently displayed itself with all its froth and foam, 
and thirst for spoliation and blood. I have in mind the Anti- 
Mormonism of Missouri, and its accompanying heart-rending 
persecutions — the ^w^i-Anti-Mason:c fury, with the abduc- 
tion of Morgan, and its other grim features of destruction 
and death — the burning zeal of Anti-Temperance, '^dth its 
bonfires and effigies, and its innumerable assaults upon per- 
sons and property — the Anti-Gambling and the Anti-Insur- 
rection tragedies of Southern States, wilh their awful waste 
of human life, and the frequent sacrifice of the blood of 
innocent victims. But time would fail to tell of Anti-Whig, 
and Anti- Jackson, and Anti-Convent, and Anti-Bank, and 
Anti-Kean, and Anti-Anderson, and Anti-Graham, and Anli- 
Joel Parker, and Anti-Cheever, and Anti-Colored School, 
and Anti-House of Ill-fame riots, with all the other anti-men 
and anti-women, anti-black, and anti-red, and anti-meat, and 
anti-drink riots, and mobs, and persecutions, which have dis- 
tinguished this age and land of revivals, and missions, and 
Bible Societies, and educational operations, and liberty, and 
independence, and equality ! Suffice it to say, that, for some 
years past, all who have dared to act, or think aloud, in 
opposition to the will of the majority, have held their prop- 
erty and being dependent on the clemency of a mob. 
Were I a citizen of this country, and did there seem no 
escape from such a dreadful state of things — if I did not, 
on behalf of the righteous and consistent, (for, thank God, 
there are thousands of such, who cease not day nor night to 
weep and pray for their country,) hope and believe for 
brighter days and better deeds, I should choose to own the 
dominion of the darkest despot that ever sealed the lips of 
truth, or made the soul of a slave tremble at his glance. If 
I must be a slave, if my lips must wear a padlock, if I must 
crouch and crawl, let it be before an hereditary tyrant. Let 
me see around me the symbols of royalty, the bayonets of 
a standing army, the frowning battlements of a Bastile. Let 
me breathe the air of a country where the divine right of 
kings to govern wrong is acknowledged and respected. Let 



APPENDIX. 393 



me know what is the sovereign will and pleasure of the one 
man I am taught to fear and serve. Let me not see my 
rights, and property, and liberties, scattered to the same 
breeze that floats the flag of freedom. Let me not be sac- 
rificed to the demon of despotism, while laying hold upon 
the horns of an altar dedicated to ' Feeedo3i and Equali- 
ty ! ' I hope, however, for the best ; I trust to see the peo- 
ple saved from their infatuation and madness. I look very 
much to the spread of anti-slavery principles for the salva- 
tion of the country, for they are the principles of righteous 
government — they are a foundation for order, and peace, 
and just laws, and equitable administration ; and those who 
embrace them will be likely to act wisely and righteously 
upon other great questions. 

A MOB IN Boston ! ! and such a mob ! ! ! Thirty ladies 
completely routed, and a board 6 feet by 2 utterly demol- 
ished by 3000 or 4000 respectable ruffians — in broad day- 
light and broad-cloth ! Glorious achievement ! and, as it 
deserved to be — regularly Gazetted ! Indeed, this noble 
army of gentlemanly savages had all the customary adjuncts 
of civilized warfare. There were ' Posts,' and ' Sentinels,' 
and ' Couriers,' and ' Gazettes,' and a ' Homer,' too, to 
celebrate their praise ! 

A mob in Boston ! The birth-place of the revolution — 
the Cradle of Liberty ! A mob in Washington (!) Street, 
Boston, TO PUT DOWN free discussion ! 

' Hung be the heavens with black ! ' 

Shrouded in midnio;ht be the height of Bunker ! Let the 
bells of the Old South and Brattle Street be mu tiled, and let 
the knell of the country's boasted honor and liberty be rung ! 
Ye hoary veterans of the revolution ! clothe yourselves in 
sackcloth ! strew ashes on your heads, and mourn your 
country's downfall ! 

• For what is left the patriot here ? 
For Greeks a blush — for Greece a tear ! ' 

Would that you had died, ere the sad truth was demon- 
strated, that you fought and bled in vain ! 

A mob in Boston ! O, tell it not in St. Pctcrsburgh ! 
publish it not in the streets of Constantinople ! But it will 



394 APPENDIX. 

be told ; it will be published. The damning fact will ring 
through all the haunts of despotism, and will be a cordial to 
the heart of Metternich — sweet music in the ears of the 
haughty Czar, and a prophetic note of triumph to the sover- 
eign Pontiff. What American lip will henceforth dare to 
breathe a sentence of condemnation against the bulls of the 
Pope, or the edicts of the Autocrat ? Should a tongue wag 
in affected sympathy for the denationalized Pole, the out- 
lawed Greek, the wretched Serf, or any of the priest-ridden 
or king-ridden victims of Europe, will not a voice come 
thundering over the billows : — 

' Base hypocrites ! let your charity begin at home ! Look 
at your own Carolinas ! Go, pour the balm of consolation 
into the broken hearts of your two millions of enslaved chil- 
dren ! Rebuke the murderers of Vicksburg ! Reckon with 
the felons of Charleston ! Restore the contents of rifled 
mail-bags ! Heal the lacerations, still festering, on the 
ploughed backs of your citizens ! Dissolve the star-cham- 
bers of Virginia! Tell the confederated assassins of Ala- 
bama and Mississippi to disband ! Call to judgment the 
barbarians of Baltimore, and Philadelphia, and New York, 
and Concord, and Plaverhill, and Lynn, and Montpelier ; 
and the well-dressed mobocrats of Utica, and Salem, and 
Boston ! Go, ye praters about the soul-destroying ignorance 
of Romanism, gather again the scattered schoola of Canter- 
bury and Canaan ! Get the clerical minions of Southern 
taskmasters to rescind their " Resolutions " of withholding 
knowledge from immortal Americans ! Rend the veil of 
legal enactments, by which the beams of light divine are 
hidden from millions who are left to grope their way through 
darkness here, to everlasting blackness beyond the grave ! 
Go, shed your " patriotic " tears over the infamy of your 
country, amidst the ruins of yonder Convent ! Go, proud 
and sentimental Bostonians, preach clemency to the respect- 
able horde who are dragging forth for immolation one of your 
own citizens ! Cease your anathemas against the Vatican, 
and screw your courage up to resist the worse than papal 
bulls of Georgia, demanding, at the peril of your ' bread 
and butter,' the ' heads ' of your citizens, and the passage 
of GAG-LAWS ! Before you rail at arbitrary power in foreign 
regions, save your own citizens from the felonious intercep- 
tion of their correspondence ; and teach the sworn and paid 



APPENDIX. 395 

servants of the Republic the obligations of an oatli, and the 
guaranteed rights of a free people ! Send not your banners 
to Poland, but tear them into shreds, to be distributed to the 
mob, as halters for your sons ! When, next July, you rail 
at mitres, and crosiers, and sceptres ; and denounce the bow- 
string, and the bayonet, and the faggot ; let your halls be 
decorated with plaited scourges, wet with the blood of the 
sons of the Pilgrims — let the tar cauldron smoke — the gib- 
bet rear aloft its head — and cats, and bloodhounds,* (the 
brute auxiliaries of Southern Liberty men,) howl and bark 
in unison with the demoniacal ravings of a ' gentlemanly 
mob' — while above the Orator of the day, and beneath the 
striped and starry banner, stand forth, in characters of blood, 
the distinctive mottoes of the age : 

JIDoion toitl) iDiscnssion ! 

£ 2 n c I) £ a to ST r i u nt p I) a n t ! 

Slaucnj fox (Suer! 

Ijail, (Slolumbia ! 



* See the accounts in Southern newspapers of ' a curious mode of 
jnmishmeni' recently introduced, called * c.vt-ii.vuling,' The vic- 
tim is stretched upon his face, and a cat, thro\vu upon his bore 
shoulders, is dragged to tlie bottom of the back. This is continued 
till the body is ♦ lacerated.' 

'The Vicksburg (Miss.) Register says, that Mr. Earl, one of the 
victims of mobocracy in Mississippi, ^vas tortured a whole )iight to 
elicit confession. The brutal and hellish tormentors laid Mr. Earl 
upon his back, and drew a cat tail foremost across his body ! ! ! He 
hung himself soon after in jail.' 

See also the accoiuits of the Mississippi murders given by a cor- 
respondent in the Charleston Courier, dating his letter Tyger (how 
appropriate!) Bayou, Madison County, ^liss. The folloM'ing is an 
extract : — ' Andrew Boyd, a conspirator, was required by the Com- 
mittee of Safety, and Mr. Dickerson, Hiram Reynolds and Iliram 
Perkins (since killed) were ordered to arrest him. Thej' discovered 
he was flying, and immediately commenced the pursuit, with n 
pack of TUAiXKi) HOUjiDs. He miraculously effected his deliverance 
from his pursuers, after swimming Big Black River, and running 
through cane-brakes and swamps until night- fall, when the party 
called off thk i)o(;.s. Early next morning they renewed the chase, 
and started Boyd one mile from whence they had called off the 
(logs. But he effected his escape on horse, (fortune throwing one in 
his way,) (he houiuis not being accustomed to that training after he 
quit the bush.' , 



396 APPENDIX. 

Before you weep over the wrongs of Greece, go wash the 
gore out of your national shambles — appease the frantic 
mother robbed of her only child, the centre of her hopes, 
and joys, and sympathies — restore to yon desolate husband 
the wife of his bosom — abolish the slave marts of Alexan- 
dria, the human flesh auctions of Richmond and New 
Orleans — ' undo the heavy burdens,' 'break every yoke,' 
and stand forth to the gaze of the world, not steeped in 
infamy and rank with blood, but in the posture of penitence 
and prayer, a free and regenerated nation ! 

Such, truly, are the bitter reproaches with Avhich every 
breeze from a distant land might be justly freighted. How 
long — in the name of outraged humanity I ask, how long 
shall they be deserved ? Are the people greedy of a 
world's execration? or have they any sense of shame — 
any blush of patriotism left ? Each day the flagrant incon- 
sistency and gross wickedness of the nation are becoming 
more widely and correctly known. Already, on foreign 
shores, the lovers of corruption and despotism are referring 
with exultation to the recent bloody dramas in the South, and 
the pro-slatery meetings and mobs of the country generally, 
in proof of the ' dangerous tendency of Democratic princi- 
ples.' How long shall the deeds of America clog the wheels 
of the car of Universal Freedom ? Vain is every boast — 
acts speak louder than words. While 

* Columbia's sons are bought and sold ; ' 

while citizens of America are murdered without trial ; while 
persons and property are at the mercy of a mob ; while city 
authorities are obliged to make concessions to a bloody-mind- 
ed multitude, and finally incarcerate unoffending citizens to 
save them from a violent death ; while ' gentlemen of stand- 
ing and property ' are in unholy league to effect the abduc- 
tion and destruction of a ' foreigner,' the head and front of 
whose offending is, that he is laboring to save the country 
from its worst foe ; while assemblages of highly respectable 
citizens, comprising large numbers of the clergy, and some 
of the judges of the land, are interrupted and broken up, 
and the houses of God in which they met attacJ^ed in open 
day by thousands of men, armed with all the implements of 
demolition ; while the entire South presents one great scene 
of slavery and slaughter ; and while the North deeply sym- 



APPENDIX. 397 

pathise with their ' Southern brethren,' sanction their deeds 
of felony and murder, and obsequiously do their bidding by 
hunting down their own fellow-citizens who dare to plead for 
equal rights ; and, fnially, while hundreds of the ministers 
of Chrisit, of every denomination, are making common cause 
with the plunderer of his species ; yea, themselves reduce 
God's image to the level of the brute, and glory in their 
shame ; I say, while these things exist, professions and 
boasts are ' sounding brass ; ' men will learn to loathe the 
name of Republicanism, and deem it synonymous with 
mob despotism, and the foulest oppression on the face of 
the globe ! 

A word to the opposers of the cause of emancipation. 
You must stop in your career of persecution, or proceed 
to still darker deeds and wider desolations. At present, 
you have done nothing but help us. You have, it is true, 
made a sincere, though impotent attempt to please your 
masters at the South. The abolitionists have risen, after 
every attempt to crush them, with greater energy and in 
greater numbers. They are still speaking ; they are still 
writing; still praying; still weeping, (not over their suffer- 
ings^ hnX your sins) — they are working in public and in 
private, by day and by night — they are sustained by prin- 
ciples you do not (because you will not) understand, prin- 
ciples drawn pure from the throne of God — they have 
meat to eat which you know not of, and live, and are nour- 
ished, and are strong, while you wonder that they do not 
wither under your frown, and fall into annihilation before 
the thunderbolts of your wrath. Some of you have con- 
versed with them. What think you of the abolitionists.? of 
their moral courage — their tact in argument — their knowl- 
edge of the Scriptures — their interpretation of the Constitu- 
tion } Have you found them ignorant ? Have you found 
them weak ? Have you not often been driven to your wits' 
end by the probing questions or ready answers of these silly 
and deluded women and children .? How, then, do you ex- 
pect to conquer.? If finally by the sword, why delay.? 
Commence the work of butchery to-day. Every hour you 
procrastinate, witnesses an increase of your victims, a 
defection from your ranks, and an augmentation in numbers 
and influence of those you wish to destroy. You profess to 
31 



398 APPENDIX. 

be republicans. Have you ever asked yourselves what you 
are doing for the principles you profess to revere ? In the 
name of sacred Liberty, 1 call upon you to pause. I con- 
jure you, 

« By every hallowed name, 
That ever led your sires to fame ' — 

pause, and see whither your present deeds are tending. Be 
honest — be just — just to yourselves, just to us, before you 
condemn us, still more, before you seek to destroy us. 
' Search us, and know our hearts ; try us, and know our 
thoughts ; and see if there be any wicked way in us.' Con- 
demn us not unheard. ' Strike, but hear.' Remember, too, 
that your violence will effect nothing while the liberty of the 
press remains. While the principles and opinions of aboli- 
tionists, as promulgated in their journals, are carried on the 
wings of the wind over sea and land, you do but give a 
wider circulation to those principles and opinions by your 
acts of violence and blood. You awaken the desire, the 
determination, to know and understand what ' these babblers 
say.' Be prepared, therefore, to violate the Constitution by 
annihilating the Liberty of the Press. 

In this place, it may not be inappropriate to introduce a 
passage from an able letter, recently addressed by the elo- 
quent M. de Chateaubriand to the French Chamber of Dep- 
uties, while that body were advocating the recent law for 
imposing severe restrictions on the French press : — 

' I could (saj'S he) if I wished, crush you under the weight of 
your origin, and show you to be faithless to yourselves, to your 
past actions and language. But I spare you the reproaches which 
the whole world heaps upon you. I call not upon you to give an 
account of the oaths you have taken. I will merely tell you that 
you have not arrived at the end of your task, and that, in the peril- 
ous career you have entered upon — following the example of other 
governments which have met with destruction — you must go on 
till you arrive at the abyss. You have done nothing till you estab- 
lish the censorship ; nothing but that can be efficacious against the 
liberty of the press. A violent law may kill the man, but the cen- 
sorship alone kills the idea, and this latter it is which ruins your 
system. Be prepared, then, to establish the censorship, and be 
assured that on the day on which you do establish it, you will per- 
ish.* 



I 



APPENDIX. 399 

In concluding this lengthened communication, let me 
exhort you, my beloved brother, to ' be of good cheer,' and 
to exercise unwavering confidence in the God you serve — 
the God of Jacob, and of EHjah, and of Daniel, of all who, 
with singleness, prefer the faithful discharge of duty, and 
its consequences, to the suggestions of expediency, and the 
favor of the world. He is able to deliver you in the hour 
of peril, and give you the victory over all your enemies. 
To Him resort for refuge. He will be a hiding-place from 
the wind, and a covert from the tempest ; as rivers of water 
in a dry place, as the shadow of a great rock in a, weary 
land. To all, who, with you, are waging this holy war, I 
would say: — Let not passing events move you! The 
turbulence and malignity of your opponents prove the 
potency and purity of your cause. But yesterday, the 
abolitionists were esteemed i'cw, mean, silly, and contempti- 
b'e. Now, they are of sufficient importance to arouse and 
fix the attention of the entire country, and earth and hell 
are ransacked for weapons and recruits, with which to fight 
the ignorant, imbecile, superannuated and besotted believers 
in the doctrine of immediate emancipation. This is a good 
sign — an unequivocal compliment to the divinity of your 
principles. ' Ye are not of the world, therefore, the world 
hateth you. Blessed are ye when men shall revile you, and 
persecute you, and shall say all manner of evil against you 
falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding glad ; 
for great is your reward in heaven ; for so persecuted they 
the prophets which were before you.' Let your motto be, 
' Onwards!' You have already accomplished much. You 
have awakened the country from its guilty slumber. You 
can reckon upon three hundred Auxiliary Associations, 
embracing a large portion of the effective moral energy of 
the land. The churches of the North are taking right 
ground upon the question. The principles of abolition are 
ditfused through most of the seminaries of learning. The 
females of America are nobly devoting themselves to this 
work of mercy, regardless of the malignity of their heart- 
less and unmanly persecutors. Onwards, therefore ! A 
{ew years will witness an entire change in the sentiments of 
the American people ; and those who are now drawn up in 
opposition to your philanthropic movement, will blush to 



400 APPENDIX. 

aclmowledge the dishonorable part they have enacted. A 
voice, from the other side of the Atlantic, says, Onwards ! 
You are supported by the prayers and sympathies of Great 
Britain. The abolitionists of the British empire are with 
you. They are the friends of the peace, happiness and 
glory of your country, and earnestly desire the arrival of 
the day, when, having achieved a victory over slavery on 
this continent, you will join them in efforts for its abolition 
throughout the world. While you pray fervently for 
strength in the day of conflict, pray also for grace to bear 
yourselves with meekness and charity towards those who 
oppose you. Pursue your holy object m the Spirit of Christ, 
' giving no offence in any thing, that the (cause) be not 
(justly) blamed, but in all things approving yourselves as 
the servants of God, in much patience, in afflictions, in 
necessities, in distresses", in stripes, in imprisonments, in 
tumults, in labors, in watchings, in fastings; by pureness, 
by knowledge, by long suffering, by kindness, by the Holy 
Ghost, by love unfeigned, by the word of truth, by the 
power of God, by the armor of righteousness on the right 
hand and on the left, by honor and dishonor, by evil report 
•and good report ; as deceivers, and yet true ; as unknown, 
and yet well known ; as dying, and behold you live ; as 
chastened, and not killed ; as sorrowful, yet always rejoic- 
ing ; as poor, j-et making many rich ; as having nothing, 
;and yet possessing all things.' 

Your affectionate friend, 

and devoted fellow-laborer, 

GEORGE THOMPSON. 

Wm. Lloyd Garrison. 



APPENDIX. ^ 401 

TO WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON. 

Joy to thee, Son of Trial ! — and so soon 
Hath it been given thee thy faith to prove? 

Joy ! so that Heaven only grant this boon, 

That nought on cartli thy steadfastness may move ! 

Yet when, but yesternight, I saw thee go, 
Surrounded by that fierce, insensate throng, 
Drunk with the wine of wrath, for evil strong, 

I felt my soul with bitterest tears o'erflow. 

! with what earnestness of passion went 
Forth from my heart, my whole soul after thee ! 

1 knew that, though to bonds and prison sent, 
Thou from all stain of evil still wert free ; 

Yet a strange feeling, half of joy arose. 
That friend of mine should have such men his foes. 
Boston, October 22, 1S35. 



THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. 

In proof that the American Colonization Society is not 
hostile to slavery ; is nourished by fear and selfishness ; is 
animated by a rabid and heathenish spirit of complexional 
caste ; is hostile to the emancipation of the slave population, 
except they are expelled from the country ; is the traducer 
and persecutor of the free people of color ; is in the hands 
and under the control of Southern slaveholders ; is a bul- 
wark of strength and safety to the slave system, enhances 
the value of slave property, and thus directly tends to per- 
petuate what God and nature demand should be instantly 
abolished ; and is therefore a cruel, liypocritical, demonia- 
34* 



402 APPENDIX. 

cal combination, — a conspiracy against justice and human- 
ity on a colossal scale, — to be abhorred, denounced and 
exposed by all who fear God and regard man ; the follow- 
ing quotations (which might be multiplied to the size of a 
volume) from the Annual Reports of hs Boards of Mana- 
gers, and the ' African Repository,' the official organ of the 
Society, indisputably demonstrate : — 

' In every part of the United States, there is a broad and 
impassable line of demarcation between every man who has 
one drop of African blood in his veins, and every other 
class in the community. The habits, the feelings, all the 
prejudices of society — prejudices which neither refinement., 
nor argument., nor education., nor religion itself, can sub- 
due — mark the people of color, whether bond or free, as 
the subjects of a degradation inevitable and incuraUe. The 
African in this country belongs by birth to the very lowest 
station in society ; and from that station he can never rise, 
he his talents., his enterprise, his virtues what they may . . . 
They constitute a class by themselves — a class out of 
which 710 individual can he elevated, and below which none 
can be depressed.' — [African Repository, vol. iv. pp. 118, 
119.] 

' We have endeavored, but endeavored in vain, to restore 
them either to self-respect, or to the respect of others (!!!) 
It is not our fault that we have failed ; (!!!) it is not theirs. 
It has resulted from a cause over which neither ive, nor they, 
can ever have control [that is to say, they have colored 
skins ! ! !] Here, therefore, they must he for ever dehased ; 
more than this, they must be for ever useless ; more even 
than this, they must be for ever a nuisance, from which it 
were a blessing for society to be rid. And yet they, and 
THEY only, are qualified /or colonizing Africa'' (! ! !) 
[Idem, vol v. p. 276.] 

' They constantly hear the accents, and behold the tri- 
umphs, of a liberty which here they can never enjoy.'' .' . . . 
* It is against this increase of colored persons, who take but 
a nominal freedom here, and cannot rise from their degrad- 



APPENDIX. 403 

ed condition^ that this Society attempts to provide.' — [Idem, 
vol. vi. pp. 17, 82.] 

' Is it not icisc^ then, for the free people of color and their 
friends to admit, loliat cannot reasonably he doubted^ that the 
people of color must, in this country^ remain for ages, 
PROBABLY FOR EVER, a Separate and inferior cast.c^ weighed 
down by causes, powerful, universal, inevitable ; which 
neither legislation nor Christianity can remove } ' — [Idem, 
vol. vii. p. 196.] 

' It [the Society] condemns no man because lie is a slave- 
holder."^ * * * t They [abolitionists] confound the misfor- 
tunes of one generation with the crimes of another, and 
would sacrifice both individual and public good to an unsub- 
stantial theory of the rights of man.'' — [Idem, vol. vii. pp. 
200, 202.] 

' The existence of slavery among us, though not at all to 
be objected to our Southern brethren as a fault, is yet a blot 
on our national character, and a mighty drawback from our 
national strength.' — [Second Annual Report of the N. Y. 
State Col. Society.] 

' They do not perceive the propriety of confounding the 
crime of the kidnapper, with the misfortune of the owner 
of imported and inherited slaves.' — [North American Re- 
view, for July, 1832.] 

' We hold their slaves, as loe hold their other property, 
SACRED.' — [African Repository, vol. i. p. 283.] 

' To the slaveholder, who had charged upon them the 
wicked design of interfering with the rights of property, 
under the specious pretext of removing a vicious and dan- 
gerous free population, they address themselves in a tone of 
conciliation and sympathy. We know your Riniirs, say 
they, and we respect them.'' — [Idem, vol. vii. p. 100.] 

* It was proper again and again to repeat, that it was far 
from the intention of the Society to affect, in any manner, 
the tenure by wiiich a certain species of property is held. 
He was himself a slaveholder; and he considered that kind 
of property as inviolable as any other in the country.^ 
[Speech of Henry Clay — First Annual Report.] 



404 APPENDIX. 

' The scope of the Society is large enough, but it is 
in no wise mingled or confounded with the broad sweeping 
views of a few fanatics in America, who would urge us on 
to the sudden and total abolition of slavery.' — [African 
Repository, vol. iii. p. 97.] 

' What is to be done ? Immediate and universal emanci- 
pation will find {qw if any advocates among judicious and 
reflecting men.' * * * ' Here, that race is in every form a 
curse, and if the system, so long contended for by the uncom- 
promising abolitionist, could prevail, its effect would be to 
spread discord and devastation from one end of the Union 
to the other.'— [Idem, vol. iv. pp. 202, 363.] 

' Were the very spirit of angelic charity to pervade and 
fill the hearts of all the slaveholders in our land, it would by 
no means require that all the slaves should be instantaneously 
liberated.' — [Idem, vol. v. p. 329.] 

' No scheme of abolition will meet my support, that leaves 
the emancipated blacks among us.' — [Hon. Mr. Mason, of 
Virginia. — Idem, vol. ii. p. 188.] 

' We would say, lihcrate them only on condition of their 
going to Africa or to Hayti.'' — [Idem', vol. iii. p. 26.] 

' I am not complaining of the oivners of slaves ; it would 
be as humane to throw them from the decks in the middle 
passage, as to set them free in our country.' * * * ' Aiiy 
scheme of emancipation without colonization^ they know and 
see and feel to be productive of nothing but evil ; evil to all 
whom it affects : to the white population, to the slaves, to the 
manumitted themselves.'^ — [Idem, vol. iv. pp. 226, 300.] 

' If this question were submitted, whether there should be 
either immediate or gradual emancipation of all the slaves 
in the United States, without their removal or colonization^ 
painful as it is to express the opinion, / have no douht that 
it would he unwise to emancipate them."* — [Idem, vol. vi. 
p. 5.] 

* All emancipation, to however small an extent, which per- 
mits the jjersons emancipated to remain in this country^ is an 
evil, which must increase with the increase of the operation.' 
[First Annual Report.] 



APPENDIX. 405 

* They will annex the condition, that the emancipated shall 
leave the country.'' — [Second Annual Report.] 

' Colonization, to be correct, must be beyond seas — Eman- 
cipation, loith the Uherty to remain on this side of the Atlan- 
tic., is hut an act of dreamy madness!^ — [Tliirtcenth 
Annual Keport.] 

' The Society maintains, that no slave ought to receive his 
liberty, except on condition of being excluded, not merely 
from the State which sets him loose, hut from the ichole coun- 
try ; that is, of being colonized.' — [North American Review, 
for July, 1832.] 

' So far from being connected with the abolition of sla- 
very, the measure proposed would prove one of the great- 
est securities to cnaUe the master to keep in possession his 
oivn property.' — [Speech of John Randolph at the first 
meeting of the Colonization Society.] 

' The slaves would be greatly benefitted by the removal 
of the free blacl<s, who now corrupt them, and render them 
discontented.' — [Second Annual Report.] 

' We all know the effects produced on our slaves by the 
fascinating, but delusive appearance of happiness, exhibited 
in some persons of their own complexion, roaming in idle- 
ness and vice among them. By removing the most fruitful 
source of discontent from among our slaves, we should ren- 
der them more industrious and attentive to our commands.' 
[Fourteenth Annual Report.] 

' What is the free black to the slave ? A standing, per- 
petual incitement to discontent. Though the condition of 
the slave he a thousand times the hcst — supplied, protected, 
instead of destitute and desolate — yet, the folly of the con- 
dition, held to involuntary labor, finds, always, allurement, 
in the spectacle of exemption from it, without consideration 
of the adjuncts of destitution and misery. The slave would 
have, then, little excitement to discontent but for the free 
black.' — [Fifteenth Annual Report.] 

' To remove these persons from among us will increase 
the usefulness^ and improve the moral character of those 
who remain in servitude, and with ichosc labors the country 



406 



APPENDIX. 



is unable to dispense.'' * * * t ^^g fj^^y ^{pf^j^s, who are 
sucking our Mood 7 we will hurl them from us ! It is not 
sympathy alone ; not sickly sympathy, no, nor manly sym- 
pathy either, which is to act on us ; but vital policy, self- 
interest, are also enlisting themselves on the humane side in 
our breasts.' — [Idem, vol. iii. pp. 67, 201.] 

' Enough, under favorable circumstances, might be remov- 
ed for a few successive years, if young ye??m/es were encour- 
aged to go, to keep the whole colored population in check.' 
[Idem, vol. vii. p. 246.] 

' The execution of its scheme would augment in- 
stead OF DIMINISHING THE VALUE OF THE PROPERTY LEFT 

BEHIND.' — [Idem, vol. ii. p. 344.] 

' The removal of every single free black in America, 
would be productive of nothing but safety to the slaveholder.' 
[Idem, vol. iii. p. 202.] 

* The tendency of the scheme, and one of its objects, is 

to SECURE SLAVEHOLDERS, AND THE WHOLE SOUTHERN COUN- 
TRY, against certain evil consequences, growing out of the 
present threefold mixture of our population.' — [Address of 
the Rockbridge Col. Society. — Idem, vol. iv. p. 274.] 

*■ There is but one way, [to avert ruin,] but that might 
be made effectual, fortunately ! It was to provide and 

KEEP open a drain FOR THE EXCESS BEYOND THE OCCASIONS 
OF PROFITABLE EMPLOYMENT.' [SpCCch of Mr. Archcr.] 

' What greater pledge can we give for the moderation and 
safety of our measures, than our own interests as slavehold- 
ers^ and the ties that bind us to the slaveholding communities 
to which we belong.?' — [Speech of Mr. Key. — Eleventh 
Annual Report.] 

' The SYSTEM originated in the "WISDOM OF THE An- 

ciENT Dominion. It was generously countenanced by 
Georgia in its earliest stages. Maryland has done more for 
it than all the other States. Kentucky and Tennessee have 
declared themselves ready to support any legitimate inter- 
position of the General Government in its favor. Louisiana 
and Mississippi are beginning to act vigorously.' — [North 
American Review, for July, 1832.] 



APPENDIX. 407 

' Your memorialists refer with confidence to the course 
they have pursued, in the prosecution of their ohjccts for 
nine years past, to show that it is possible, without danger 
or alarm, to carry on such an operation, notwithstanding its 
supposed relation to the subject of slavery, and that they 
have not been regardless, in any of their measures, of what 
was due to the state of society in which they live. They 
are^ themselces^ chiejly slaveholders^ and live with all the ties 
of life binding them to a slaveholding community.' — [Memo- 
rial of the Society to the several States. — African Rep., vol. 
ii. p. 60.] 

' Let me repeat, \\\q, friends of the Colonization Society, 
three-fourths of them, are slaveholders ; the legislatures 
of Maryland, Georgia, Kentucky and Tennessee, all slave- 
holding States, have approved it ; every member of this aux- 
iliary Society is, either in himself or his nearest relatives^ 
interested in holding slaves.'' — ['The Colonization Society 
Vindicated.' — Idem, vol. iii. p. 202.] 

' About twelve years ago, some of the wisest men of the 
nation, mostly slaveholders^ formed in the city of Washing- 
ton the present American Colonization Society.' — [Address 
of the Rockbridge Colonization Society. — Idem, vol. iv. p. 
274.] 

' Beings chiefly^ slaveholders ourselves, we well know how 
it becomes us to approach such a subject as this in a slave- 
holding State, and in every other. If there were room for a 
reasonable jealousy, we among the first should feel it ; being 
as much interested in the welfare of the community, and 
having as much at heart, as any men can have, — the security 
of ourselves, our property, and our families.' — [Review of 
Mr. Tazwell's Report. — Idem. p. 341.] 

' It is no abolition Society ; it addresses as yet arguments 
to no master, and disavows with horror the idea of olTering 
temptations to any slave. It denies the design of at- 
tempting EMANCIPATION, EITHER PARTIAL OR GENERAL.' 

['The Colonization Society Vindicated.' — African Rep. 
vol. iii. p. 197.] 

' They can impress upon the Southern slaveholder, by the 
strength of facts, and by the recorded declarations of hon- 



408 APPENDIX. 

est men, that the objects of the Colonization Society are 
altogether pure and praiseworthy, and that it has no inten- 
tion to open the door to unicersal liberty^ but only to cut 
out a channel, where the merciful providence of God may 
cause those dark waters to flow off.' — [Idem, vol. iv. p. 
145.] 

' We do not ask that the provisions of our Constitution 
and statute book should be so modified as to relieve and 
exalt the condition of the colored people, whilst they remain 
with us. Let these provisions stand in all their rigor, 
to work out the ultimate and unbounded good of this people. 
Persuaded that their condition here is not susceptible of a 
radical and permanent improvement, we would deprecate 
any legislation that should encourage the vain and injurious 
hope of it.' — [Memorial of the New York State Coloniza- 
tion Society.] 

' There is a class, however, more numerous than all these, 
introduced amongst us by violence, notoriously ignorant, 
degraded and miserable, mentally diseased, broken-spirited, 
acted ujjon by no motives to honorable exertio7is, scarcely 
reached in their debasement by the heavenly light ; 
yet where is the sympathy and effort which a view of their 
condition ought to excite ? They wander unsettled and 
unbefriended through our land, or sit indolent, abject and 
sorrowful, by the " streams which witness their captivity." 
Their freedom is licentiousness, and to many, restraint 
[slavery] would prove a blessing.' — [African Rep. vol. 
i. p. 68.] 

' Free blacks are a greater nuisance than even slaves 
themselves.' * * * ' They knew that where slavery had 
been abolished, it had operated to the advantage of the mas- 
ters, not of the slaves. They saw this fact most strikingly 
illustrated in the case of the free negroes of Boston. If, on 
the anniversary celebrated by the free people of color, of the 
day on which slavery was abolished, they looked abroad, 
what did they see } Not freemen, in the enjoyment of every 
attribute of freedom, with the stam.p of liberty upon their 
brows ! No, sir ; they saw a ragged set, crying out liberty ! 
for whom liberty had nothing to bestow, and whose enjoy- 
ment of it was but in name. — [African Rep., vol. ii. p. 328.] 



APPENDIX. 409 

PROTEST OF EMINENT BRITISH PHILANrilROPISTS. 
We, the undersigned, having observed with regret that the 
' American Colonization Society ' appears to be gainino- 
some adherents in this country, are desirous to express ou'r 
opinions respecting it. 

Our motive and excuse for thus coming forward are the 
claims which the Society has put forth to Anti- Slavery sup- 
port. These claims are, in our opinion, wholly groundless; 
and we feel bound to affirm that our deliberate judgment and 
conviction are, that the professions made by the Colonization 
Society, of promoting the abolition of Slavery, are altogether 
delusive. 

As far as the mere Colony of Liberia is concerned, it has 
no doubt the advantages of other trading establishments. In 
this sense, it is beneficial both to America and Africa, and 
we cordially wish it well. We cannot, however, refrain 
from expressing our strong opinion, that it is a settlement of 
which the United States ought to bear the whole cost. We 
never required of that country to assist us in Sierra Leone ; 
we are enormously burdened by our own connection with 
Slavery ; and we do maintain that we ought not to be called 
on to contribute to the expense of a Colony, which, though 
no doubt comprising some advantages, was formed chiefly 
to indulge the prejudices of American Slaveholders, and 
which is regarded with aversion by the colored population of 
the United States. 

With regard to the extinction of the Slave Trade, we 
apprehend that Liberia, however good the intentions of its 
supporters, will be able to do little or nothing towards it, 
except on the limited extent of its own territories. The only 
efl'ectual death-blow to that accursed traflic will be the de- 
struction of slavery throughout the world. To the destruc- 
tion of slavery throughout the world, we are compelled to 
say, that we believe the Colonization Society to he an obstruc- 
tion. 

Our objections to it are, therefore, briefly these : — While 
we believe its pretexts to be delusive, we are convinced that 
its real effects are of the most dangerous nature. It takes 
Its root from a cruel prejudice and alienation in the whites 
of America against the colored people, slave or free. This 
being its source, the cfl'ects are what might be expected ; 
3d 



410 APPENDIX. 

that it fosters and increases the spirit of caste, ah-eady so 
unhappily predominant ; that it widens the breach between 
the two races, and exposes the colored people to great practi- 
cal persecution, in order to force them to emigrate ; and, 
finally, is calculated to swallow up and divert that feeling 
which America, as a Christian and a free country, cannot 
but entertain, that slavery is alike incompatible with the law 
of God, and with the well-being of man, whether the ensla- 
ver or the enslaved. 

On these grounds, therefore, and while we acknowledge 
the Colony of Liberia, or any other colony on the coast of 
Africa, to be, in itself^ a good thing, we must be understood 
utterly to repudiate the principles of the American Coloni- 
zation Society. That Society is, in our estimation, not 
deserving of the countenance of the British public. 

WM. WILBERFORCE, 

WM. SMITH, 

ZACHARY MACAULAY, 

WM. EVANS, M. P. 

SAMUEL GURNEY, 

GEORGE STEPHEN, 

SUFFIELD, (Lord,) 

S. LUSHINGTON, M. P. 

THOS. FOWELL BUXTON, M. P. 

JAMES CROPPER, 

WM. ALLEN, 

DANIEL O'CONNELL, M. P. 
London, July, 1833. 

TESTIMONY OF THOMAS CLARKSON. 

Extracts from a Letter addressed to William Lloyd Garrison, by 
Thomas Clarkson : — 

Dear Sir: 

When you was in Ei)gland on a former occasion, you did 
me the favor to call upon me, at Playford Hall, to take 
a part against the ' Colonization Society.' Long before 
this visit, my friend, Mr. Elliot Cresson, had engaged me in 



APPENDIX. 411 

its favor, so that I fear that I did not show you the attention 
and respect (while you was at my house) due to so faithful 
an apostle of Liberty. You have lately been in England 
again, but your numerous engagements prevented you from 
seeing me, though it was your intention to have done 
so, and to have conversed with me on the same subject. I 
understand from your friends in London, who sent me 
a message to that effect, that you wished to know the partic- 
ular reasons why I changed my mind with respect to that 
Society. I have no objection to give you a short account of 
the reasons which induced me to enter into it, and finally to 
abandon it. * * * 

You will see in this narrative my reasons for patronizing, 
at first, the American Colonization Society, and my reasons, 
also, for having afterwards deserted it. I left it, first, 
because it was entirely impracticable. This is a sufficient 
reason., of itself; for no man in his senses would pursue a 
plan which he thought could never be accomplished. I left 
it, secondly, because I thought that newly emancipated slaves 
were not qualified to become colonists in Africa to any good 
purpose. How could persons be sent with any propriety to 
civilize others^ who wanted civilizini!: themselces ) Besides, 
the advocates of the Colonization Society in America had 
no right to send the scum of their population to Africa, to 
breed a moral pestilence there. As far, however, as the 
abolition of the slave trade concurred -in the plan^ it must be 
allowed that Liberia has done a great deal of good. But 
then, this was the first colony planted, and the people sent 
there, as Mr. Cresson assured me, were more select. Many 
of these had been emancipated a considerable time before, 
and had got their own living, knowing something of the 
habits of civilized life. My argument relates only to newly 
emancipated slaves, who, according to the scheme, were to 
be hurried off from the plantation as soon as their liberty 
was given them. If the Society did not take these people, 
then the prospectus, offered to the public, had no meaning in 
it, and slavery could never, according to its promises, be ex- 
tinguished in the United States. # # # 

But I have not done with the subject yet. Mr. Cresson 
had scarcely left England the last time, when new informa- 
tion was given me on this same subject, by two American 



412 



APPENDIX. 



gentlemen, of the very highest moral reputation, by which I 
was led to suppose one of two things ; either that I had mis- 
taken Mr. Cresson in his numerous conversations with me, or 
that he had allowed me to entertain erroneous impressions, 
without correcting them. It was true, as my two friends in- 
formed me, that there had actually been a great stir or agita- 
tion in the United States on this subject, and quite as exten- 
sive and general as Mr. Cresson had represented it to be, 
but that the cause of it was not a religious feeling, as 
I had been led to imagine, by which the planters had 
been convinced of the sin of slavery, but a base feeling 
of fear, which seemed to pervade all of them, and which 
urged them to get rid of the free people of color by sending 
them to Africa. These people were more knowing, intelli- 
gent and cultivated than the slaves, and, it was believed, 
were likely to join them, and be very useful to them, in the 
case of an insurrection ; so that if these were once fairly 
sent out of the country, they, the planters, might the more 
safely rule their then slaves with a rod of iron. This infor- 
mation was accompanied by an account, by way of proof, 
taken from American newspapers, of different meetings 
held by the friends of the Colonization Society in different 
States of the Union, and of the speeches made there. It ap- 
peared from these speeches, that the most violent supporters 
of this Society ivere planters themselces, and that the speak- 
ers did not hesitate to hold out the monstrous and hateful 
proposition, that the negroes were not men and women, but 
that they belonged to the brute creation. It was impossible 
to read these speeches, which were so many public docu- 
ments, and not perceive that the persons then assembled 
were no friends, but bitter enemies, to the whole African 
race, and that nothing in the icay of good intentions towards 
the negro could be expected from them. It is unnecessary 
for me to attempt to describe what my feelings were upon 
■this occasion. I will only say, that I saw the scheme — 
shall I say, the diabolical scliemeJ — with new eyes, and 
that the new light thus thrown upon it, added to the two ar- 
guments before mentioned, determined me to icash my hands 
clean for ecer of the binder taking. * * * 

I am, dear Sir, with great esteem, 

Very truly and cordially yours, 

THOMAS CLARKSON. 



APPENDIX. 413 

SENTIMENTS OF THE FREE PEOPLE OF COLOR. 

RESOLUTIONS PASSED BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF 
PHILADELPHIA. 

Resolved, That we never will separate ourselves volunta- 
rily from the slave population in this country ; they are our 
brethren by the ties of consanguinity, of suffering, and of 
wrong ; and we feel that there is more virtue in suffer- 
ing privations with them, than fancied advantages for a 
season. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF NEW YORK. 

Resolved, That we view the resolution calling on the 
worshippers of Christ to assist in the unholy crusade against 
the colored population of this country, as totally at variance 
with true Christian principles. 

Resolved, That we claim this country, the place of our 
birth, and not Africa, as our mother country, and all attempts 
to send us to Africa, we consider as gratuitous and uncalled 
for. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF BOSTON. 

Resolved, That this meeting look upon the American Col- 
onization Society as a clamorous, abusive and peace-disturb- 
ing combination. 

Resolved, That this meeting look upon the conduct of 
those clergymen, who have filled the ears of their respective 
congregations with the absurd idea of the necessity of 
removing the free colored people from the United States, as 
highly deserving the just reprehension directed to the false 
prophets and priests, by Jeremiah, the true prophet, as record- 
ed in the 23d chapter of his prophecy. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF BALTIMORE. 

Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the 
American Colonization Society is founded more in a selfish 
policy, than in the true princij)les of benevolence : — and, 
therefore, so far as it regards the life-giving spring of its 
operations, is not entitled to. our confidence, but should be 
viewed by us with all that caution and distrust which our 
happiness demands. 



414 APPENDIX. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF WASHINGTON, D. C. 

Resolved, That this meeting view with distrust the efforts 
made by the Colonization Society to cause the free people 
of color of these United States to emigrate to Liberia, on the 
coast of Africa, or elsewhere. 

Resolved, That it is the declared opinion of the members 
of this meeting, that the soil which gave them birth is their 
only true and veritable home, and that it would be impolitic, 
unwise and improper for them to leave their home without 
the benefits of education. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF HARTFORD, CT. 

Resolved, That it is the opinion of this meeting, that the 
American Colonization Society is actuated by the same 
motives which influenced the mind of Pharaoh, when he 
ordered the male children of the Israelites to be destroyed. 

Resolved, That it is the belief of this meeting, that the 
Society is the greatest foe to the free colored and slave pop- 
ulation with whom liberty and equality have to contend. 

Resolved, That, in our belief, we have committed no crime 
worthy of banishment, and that we will resist, even unto 
death, all the attempts of the Colonization Society to banish 
us from this, our native land. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF NEW HAVEN, CT. 

Resolved, That we will resist all attempts made for our 
removal to the torrid shores of Africa, and will sooner suffer 
every drop of blood to be taken from our veins, than submit 
to such unrighteous treatment. 

Resolved, That we consider the American Colonization 
Society founded on principles that no Afric-American, unless 
very weak in mind, will follow ; and any man who will be 
persuaded to leave his own country and go to Africa, is an 
enemy to his country and a traitor to his brethren. 

BY THE COLORED INHABITANTS OF COLUMBIA, PA. 

Resolved, That it is our firm belief, that the Colonization 
Society is replete with infinite mischief, and that we view all 
the arguments of its advocates as mere sophistry, not worthy 
our notice as freemen. 



APPENDIX. 415 



HON. PELEG SPRAGUE. 

Extracts from a Speech, delivered before an immense pro-slavery 
gathering in Fancuil Hall, August 21st, 1835, by the Hon. 
Peleg Sprague : — 

The combinations and proceedings of the immediate abo- 
litionists have produced and are producing, throughout the 
South, feelings of bitterness and hatred toward the North. I 
am aware that some of these gentlemen insist that all their 
efforts are designed merely to produce a persuasive effect 
on the masters. Sir, if such be really their object — if they 
intend only persuasion — the course they adopt, the pouring 
forth the most insulting and opprobrious language, even to 
the pronouncing of all slaveholders indiscriminately to be 
robbers and murderers, and thus arousing the most indignant 
and embittered feelings, exhibits the most singular ideas of 
the adaptation of means to ends that ever were presented in 
the varieties of the human intellect. I have heard of per- 
sons who had a ' thousand winning ways to make folks hate 
them,' and surely the abolitionists have employed them all 
toward the South, and with wonderful success. 

Sir, said Mr. S., the time has come when the great body 
of the people, hitherto silent upon this delicate and mo- 
mentous subject, should come forward and express their 
sentiments. Our brethren of the South are alarmed^ deep- 
ly, profoundly. Nor ought we to be surprised that they arc 
so. We know, indeed, that the agitators here are few, that 
even the whole number of those who have permitted their 
names to be enrolled in these societies is small, and I verily 
believe that many of them disapprove the violence of their 
leaders, and that more will do so when they contemplate the 
consequences of their measures. But, seen from a distance, 
they appear to occupy the whole field, and their incessant 
activity produces an erroneous impression of their strength 
and numbers. * * ♦ # 

If these abolitionists sliall go on, if their associations shall 
continue to increase, if their doctrines shall spread and tlicir 
measures be adopted, until they become the general senti- 
ment and action of a majority of the people of the North, 
and this shall be known, as known it will be, at the Soutli, 
the fate of our government is scaled — the day that sees that 



416 APPENDIX. 

consummation will look only upon the broken fragments of 
our Union. * * # # # 

When the blood of our citizens, shed by a British soldiery, 
had stained our streets, had flowed upon the heights which 
surround us, and sunk into the earth upon the plains of Lex- 
ington and Concord, then, when He — whose name can 
never be pronounced by American lips without the strongest 
emotions of gratitude and love in every American heart — 
when He, that slaveholder^ (pointing to the full length por- 
trait of Washington,) who from this canvass smiles upon you, 
his children, with parental benignity, came with other slave- 
holders to drive the British myrmidons from this city and 
this hall, our fathers did not refuse to hold communion with 
him or with them. With slaveholders they formed the Con- 
federation, neither asking nor receiving any right to interfere 
in their domestic relations. # * * * 

Sir, these doctrines and that language to which I have felt 
it my duty to advert, tending as they do to the disruption of 
the Union, the prostration of Government, and to all the hor- 
rors of a civil and servile war, have attained their greatest 
prevalence and intensity wjthin the past year, since a certain 
notorious foreign agent first landed upon our shores ; who 
comes here, not to unite his fate with ours, not as other for- 
eigners who would make this their home, and whom we 
cordially receive to the participation of all the immeasur- 
able blessings of free institutions ; but he comes here as an 
avowed emissary^ sustained by foreign funds, a professed 
agitator^ upon questions deeply, profoundly political^ which 
lie at the very foundation of our Union, and in which the 
very existence of this nation is involved. He comes here 
from the dark and corrupt institutions of Europe, to enlighten 
us upon the rights of man and the moral duties of our own 
condition. Received by our hospitality, he stands here upon 
our soil, protected by our laws, and hurls ' fire-brands, 
arrows and death ' into the habitations of our neighbors, and 
friends, and brothers — and when he shall have kindled a 
conflagration which is sweeping in desolation over the land, 
he has only to embark for his own country, and there look 
securely back with indifference or exultation upon the wide- 
spread ruin by which our cities are wrapt in flames and our 
garments rolled in blood. (! ! !) 



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